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kept up a force of fifty ships of the line, the number then i commission; because it would have been done to no purposi and the expence would have exceeded that of the present ai mament. In the aggrandisement of Russia, and the deprei sion of Turkey, our commercial and our political interest were both concerned. Whatever might have been the stat of the question when we thought that we were able to stand independently of alliances, when we connected ourselvei with Holland, as a powerful naval ally, it was evident that we could not retain that connection, nor derive much benefit from it, without the accession of a power possessing a great land force. Russia, however favourably flie might have been disposed when the right honourable gentleman was in office, although no proofs of such a disposition had appeared since, was not inclined to accede to our alliance with Holland; and if inclined, could not have afforded the necessary protection. We then contracted engagements with Prussia, by virtue of which it was our interest to take care that no change of circumstances, to the detriment of Prussia, should occur; and were it in our power to restrain the steps by which we had contracted those engagements, whatever errors might be discovered in the detail, we could find no alliance more advantageous than that of Prussia. Was it, then, a matter of no political importance, that a change should be suffered to take place in the state of Europe, which would eventually prevent Prussia from rendering us those services which we had hitherto derived from the connection? If Russia should triumph over the Porte, then the situation of Prussia would be totally inverted, and instead of protecting the Dutch frontier, his utmost exertions would be requisite to cover his own. Would any man imagine, that the aggrandisement of Russia would not materially affect the disposition of other Powers? that it might not produce an alteration in Poland, highly dangerous to Prussia? Was it, then, to be said, that we had no concern in the terms of pacification between Russia and the Porte? Many articles, the materials of manufacture, we received from Russia; but of these articles many could be obtained from other countries; from Poland, for instance; and therefore we had a commercial interest in cultivating a trade with Poland, and preventing Russia from obtaining such a decided command of the articles we wanted, as to give or withhold them at hef pleasure. On these grounds, he trusted that the House would perceive that the policy of interposing was as clear as the justice was indubitable. But he was fold that the He/use was called upon to sanction the measure on that sort of blind confidence of which the country already had cause to repent. Confidence, in order to impart vigour and efficiency to Government*

vemment, must be given to those in whose hands the Administration was entrusted; like every other exercise of discreioa, it had its hounds, and was neither unconstitutional not<kg.rading to those who gave it. If, 3s an honourable jeRirnan-had said, he had seen no application to the resporitb&ty of Ministers in fourteen years, it was either a pn-of that Ministers had not been guilty of any material faults in that period, or that Parliament had not been very diligent to nark them. He claimed only the fame degree of confidence which had been granted to al! his predecessors in office; and wheat-ver the conduct of a Minister was disapproved of, he buited that the displeasure of Parliament would operate either to efflct his dismission, or bring him to punishment. Yet, even with these sentiments, he felt himself warranted in contending, that there was a degree of confidence so necessary to the very being and support of the executive Government, that it would prove criminal to withdraw it.

Mr. Burke observed, that as it might be the last time that Mr. he fioolJ have an opportunity of delivering his sentiments on a similar question, he could not refrain from offering a fer remarks to the House.

He contended that there were two points which arose out of the* debate; and that the first, the question of responsibiftj in His Majesty's Ministers, was equally novel as the other which followed.

The second point was extremely new, and contrary to all fte politics with which he was acquainted, either ancient or modern, to bring the Turkish empire into the consideration of the balance of power in Europe. Having combated what he thought an unqualified degree of confidence placed in the present Minister, Mr. Burke proceeded to sliew the impolicy »od danger of this country espousing the cause of the OttoOans. There were, he said, introduced into this novel diplcuatic system, certain auxiliary principles of alliance, which bound us to support our allies against the Empress, in •hatever qwarrtl she may be involved, though contrary to the rruKifesi principles of the treaty with our allies, and which on our pirt amounted to a declaration of war. If this were the cafe, there was an end to the independence of Russia, as it was an encouragement to other countries to fcrass, and declare hostilities against her, should me proceed to war against any of those Powers which would be prompted, on t bese considerations, to invade her ter ritories. This was, in fact, a declaration that the Empress had not power to defend her own territories. It was a menace, that carried with it, on the part of this country, the most bold, insolent, and daripg language, that ever was used from one independent country to another. Subjection always included Vot.XXlX. H in in its idea protection; but here the principle was reversed j f England had declared that Russia shall be dependent, and ft unprotected. The question was not whether she should not dismember Turkey, but whether she should possess He self of Oczakow or not; we have declared war on this pri cipleonly. Mr. Burke asked the House if, when Russia, w in fact at the gates of Constantinople, if the Turks cou require more than that we should preserve their capital, ai procure for them a restoration of numerous places which h. surrendered to the victorious arms of the Empress. If v had done thus much, did we not do all that our ally, confederacy with her allies, could demand? In such a cas would not the Grand Prophet offer up prayers in his mofcj u complimentary to the infidels who saved their metropoli When the Empress of Russia had made these sacrifices, whic she seemed willing to make, she condescended to do moi than ever a victorious Prince or Princess condescended t submit to in her situation. "When the alliance was made wit Prussia and Holland, it was never supposed that it was for th purpose of preserving the general balance of power. Ther were oilier views, and these were, that the Empress stioul not have any territory or holding on the banks of theDanub and the Boristhenes. Was the treaty of Utrecht ever distin guifhed by any such considerations ? No. He was astonishe< to fee such a system adopted, as perverted the intention o keeping all savage and uncivilized nations from over-runniur. the countries of Europe. To carry the Prussian alliance tc this length was, in fact, establishing an anti-Crusade, I was to overcome the Empress and Hungary, whose progress -in religion and humanity, within the last century, were objects of admiration, and mould be nourished by every description of people who had any pretensions to civilization or philanthrony. The treaty, he insisted, pledged posterity to trample them, instead of those morose savages who were the enemies of religion, and undeserving the protection of a civilized nation. What was the real state of the question? Merely to plunge ourselves into an immoderate expence, to reduce the Christian nations on the banks of the Danube,^o the yoke of the infidels, and make them the miserable victims to these i' human savages; if we act in this wanton manner against the Empress of Russia, is it not rational to suppose that her vengeance will operate against us, when we may least suppose it, when the consequence may be fatal, and another armament required to re;.iel her vengeance? The House, at length, divided; and the numbers were, For the amendment, 135; Against it, 228. Majotity, 93.

The

The question on the Address, as originally moved, wa» tksput, and carried. Tht House adjourned.

Wednesday, March.

Mr. Powyt observed, that as an idea had prevailed that Mr. seitber Great Britain, nor the rest of Europe, produced a Powy». {efficient quantity of corn for their own consumption, he wifiied to ascertain the grounds upon which such a supposition *i$ founded, and for that purpose would apply for certain papers. He therefore moved,

"That an humble address be presented to His Majesty, "that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that "there be laid before this House, copies of information re"ceived by the Committee of Privy Council, appointed for "the consideration of all matters relative to trade and foM reign plantations, concerning the present state of agricul■ tore in Great Britain and Ireland." .

Mr. Ryder contended, that the Privy Council could not Mr. give luch information, without material inconvenience/ Ryder.

The motion was negatived.

Lord Courtown, in obedience to His Majesty's commands, male the following report of his answer to the address of the House:

u The address of this House of Tuesday, has been present"fd to His Majesty, and His Majesty has commanded ma "to acquaint this House, that His Majesty receives with "great satisfaction the assurance of the readiness to make "good such expence as may be necessary at the present junc"lure."

The House adjourned.

Thursday, $\Jl March,

No material debate occurred.

'Friday, \Jl April.

Mr. Powys moved for copies of all papers laid before the "nvy Council, respecting the average prices of grain in Ireland, Quebec, America, and Europe, with the expences of importation from the several places.

Mr. Ryder begged leave to remind the honourable gentle- Mr. ""n. that the bill before the House did not go to alter for- fydtr. ■"er corn laws, but to arrange them into a permanent system, »>d therefore he certainly did not think himself obliged so lay Jny extraordinary information before the House. It was 'me, that the Privy Council had collected information on the »«»jefts stated in the motion, but that information was in•cmplete, and could afford but little satisfaction to the H 3 House;

House; he could not, therefore, agree'to the motion. The was a mode established by law tor colled: mg the .iver.ige pric of corn for Ireland; and if the honourable gentleman pleaie< he might move for copies of those averages for any period! thought proper.

_Mr. Mr. Powys contended that the "bill, if not to alter, W3S t Powys. consolidate, and make permanent the former corn laws;

measure surely of so much importan e, as to rend-r ever possible degree of information iteerssary. In the ivpre'emario from the Privy C uncil, many points were .stated as fact which required proof, and the House ought at least to hav before them all the information of which the Privy Counci Was.in possession.

The motion was negatived. Mr. Mr. Sheridan presented a petition from the Trades Houf •heridau. 0f Glasgow, praying to be heard by co nsel against th clauses that respect Scotland. He wished to be informed whether it was meant to alter the clauses complained of; because he understood such an intimation had been given re the petitioners by the promoters of the bill. If those claim! were not altered, he should have to present a petition against them, signed by more than twenty thousand persons.

The petition was ordered to be referred to the Committee on-the bill, with an instruction that the petitioners be heard by counsel.

The Earl of Caryssort, from the Select Committee, who „ were appointed to try and determine the merits of the petition of Sir fames Johnstene, Bart, complaining ot an undue election and return for the district of boroughs in Scotland of Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Annen, Lochmahon, and Sanquhar, informed the House, that the said Select Committee have determined,

That Patrick Millar, junior, Esq. is duly elected a Commissioner to serve in this present Parliament for the said boroughs.

And also, That the petition of the said Sir James Johustone, Bart, did not appear to the said Select Committee to be frivolous or vexatious.

The House having resolved themselves into a Committee on the Catholic Dissenters bill, Lord Beauchamp took the chair; and immediately after the reading of the fourth clause,

Mr. Mr. Afitford observed, that having a variety of new Mitford. clauses to move, which could not be conveniently debated till they were before the House in a connected form, he should, therefore, propose to adopt them in the Committee, without debate, and to order the bill to be reprinted with the amendments, and re-committed on a future day.

The

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