to assume some new and terrible form in painted an infernal spirit, they have been aid of our bitterest and most powerful ene-driven out of their senses, by the image of mies. We have left behind us, the real their own formation.-Sir, had we lost dangerous enemies, the sailors, the har- our confidence in the navy of G. Britain, bours, the docks, the resources of Den- since its great and glorious victories at mark; and we have obtained the hulls of Trafalgar, and under sir Rd. Strachan, and ships, valued at less than one quarter of at St. Domingo? Was England in such the sum which is the usual estimate of our danger in 1805 as that we then had efficient vessels, and we have lost what thoughts of seizing on all the means of might have been, must have been ours, defence? Is it a correct account of the had not our affairs been mismanaged. We state of the public mind then, and of the have lost in Zealand the outpost which apprehensions of the ministers at that time, must have been the impregnable defence that we were trembling for our safety, of this country.-Sir, the words and the because the combined fleet was at Cadiz. images are not pleasant, but I know not how No, sir, all that was then wished for, and else to illustrate the exploit of ministers, prayed for, was that which then did hapthan by saying that they have taken the pen, the coming out of the hostile navy, empty purse and a few copper coins, but and all that was then expected, was what have left the silver and gold for a more did then take place; a great, decisive, dextrous and sagacious robber.-Sir, in and honourable victory.-Sir, it seems to the Declaration, and in the Speech, and me, that is a clear, intelligible, decisive in the Proclamation, and in the arguments answer to the plea of necessity; but it is of ministers, after the most earnest and clearer than the light of a summer's day, patient examination, I can find nothing if we attend to the great, the inestimable, but what is frivolous and unproved, but a the necessary addition to our force, or diconstant reference to the power and inve- minution of our fears, which is said to arise teracy of France. Still some flourishing from the possession of the spoils of Dendeclamation against the inveterate enemy, mark.--Saviours of their Country!-Are, though less than heretofore pressing against then, the valour and the discipline of the him the charges of being a violator of the navy, the valour and the discipline of the laws of nature and nations. This one ar- army, the valour and discipline of the gument is to serve the same purpose, that militia, the patriotism and the numbers of supplying the deficiency of all others. of the Volunteers of so little value? Is the argument from the secret articles a the virtues that animate these our real little the worse for being exposed to ex- defenders, these our real saviours, of so amination?-A tirade against France and little value, that they stand in need of her misdeeds is the resource;· is the a little fraud in the administration to eke proof of the hostility,' &c. of the ina- them out, and render them equal to the bility,' &c. Still the same dish in every defence of England? They say, they course.-Beef at top, at bottom, and on have saved their country, by depriving each side, hot, cold, and réchauffe; and Buonaparte of these ships.-They have declared, like brother Peter's crust, to be stunned the lion, and not killed him.—No, at once fish, flesh, and fowl, though nothing sir, this is not the way to lay the gigantic more than the old half-eaten mouldy morsel enemy in the dust.-Were, however, sir, on which this house has been fed, or rather this supposed case of necessity,' supportstarved, for so many years past. This fear is ed by reasons less entitled to our contempt at war with our honour, trade, constitution, than those which have been urged, I must and with our security.-I own, sir, that own that I think that there is one consideherein I have discovered some proof of ration which, in a sound and well reasonthe sincerity of ministers, in their belief ing mind, it would have been difficult to and fear of that extreme danger which snrmount.-I trust, and I believe, that in they assert:-for fear, sir, confounds the declaring my trust in this, that I shall not understanding, disturbs the imagination, be confessing a vain, romantic, and unand suggests counsels the most absurd or substantial faith, but a solid, serious, and the most mischievous. It magnifies what well-founded conviction.-I own, sir, that is little, and almost creates what does not I cannot believe that such a change, such exist. It sees giants in windmills and en- an awful change, has taken place in the chanters in flocks of sheep. It has so world, as to render a breach of the law subdued the minds of his majesty's coun- of nations, and a violation of neutrality, sellors, that, like the painter who bad the necessary means of security, for a Are great and noble nation. It has never yet | similar error or job.-What, sir, is this happened, and I am as confident, as I can to the house of commons? what is it to be of the existence of any being superior the country. It is indeed a most convenito man, that England would not have ent mode of defence for those who have been annihilated, if she had preserved the no other to plead. It is a good scheme to maxims of good faith. No, sir, no future divert from their own misconduct the athistorian of this country will ever write tention of the public, who are too apt as as its epitaph that she might have pre- unskilful sportsmen to hunt the drag with served her independence, or her rank, if as much eagerness as the game. It is an she had been unprincipled, and unjust.- evident advantage to those who have But the ministers say that they have pre- many errors and many jobs to defend, to cedents in the conduct of their prede- find, or to invent some inadvertence, cessors, and they alledge the examples of which, however inconsiderable, may be Lisbon, Alexandria, and the Dardanelles: used as a justification against any enormiand here, sir, it is remarkable that they ty.-Few criminals but must escape, if seem to have other views for searching they had a right to their acquittal by givinto the events of that administration, than ing evidence of the infirmities of the jury, the flippant reason assigned on a former and of the judge. Some people never occasion. It was said with great and repre- think themselves right, but when they hensible levity, that the task of the present think others in the wrong. If, sir, the last ministers was in one respect easy, that they ministry have been guilty of misconduct, or had nothing to do, but to look into the of meanness, bring forward the charge, let measures of their predecessors in order the trial commence. This is what they ask, that they might adopt measures directly and the denial of this justice is a pretty contradictory. Here, sir, they seem to clear proof of the futility of the accusation. have had other purposes in research: they Sir, this would be to defend forgery by seem to have wanted to steal a little sense saying, sir, you write your humble servant for their exercise, to have sought for to a letter. I scarcely talk with a memexamples to follow, and not to avoid, ber of either house who does not combut unawares to have fallen into the course plain of this. But, sir, this mode of dewhich they pretend to pursue, for surely, fence has another effect, and I fear one of sir, contrariety, direct opposition, are the equal value in the estimation of those who only relations that exist between the attack employ it, and has become habitual like an on the Dardanelles, and the precautionary instinct. It keeps up the profligate cry, measures taken in the Tagus. In the that all public men are alike; all are informer they sent out positive directions to terested rogues. It tends to degrade the the admiral not to take any measures till house of commons, and the men distinthe minister informed them that war had guished in the country by their fortunes, taken place; and then what was the fleet education and public spirit. Here, sir, to do? to enforce the performance of the daily appears that favourite object of all treaties and engagements of the Turks administrations, but of two very short with our ally. And at Lisbon! they did ones. In this policy the ministers for not bombard the city, destroy its inhabit- more than 40 years have been always steaants, and convert an ally into an enemy; dy, always persevering, however fluctuatdid not take possession of it, and then ing and trusting for public measures to the abandon it; in their Instructions they only expedients of the day. In this policy, gave orders to secure the fleet in the for more than 30 years, always, I fear, too event of a possible case, of the actual in- successful, unfortunate as they have been vasion of Portugal by the French, and the in losing the objects of all their wars, and actual refusal of Portugal to receive aid all their negociations. Sir, I have followfrom us, and to contend with the enemy. ed the ministers through their defences, -But, sir, all this is merely a fresh in- and though I cannot praise their discrestance of that mode of defence to which tion, or compliment them on their success, they have resort on all occasions.-A smart I see something to approve in their taste recrimination on the last administration. and dexterity. One likes to see gentleThis practice has been resorted to by the men profit by their reading. It is an estapresent ministers to an extraordinary de-blished rule in criticism, that the stile of gree. Whenever a distinct accusation is brought against them, they immediately reproach their predecessors with some a composition should be suited to the subject, that when the latter is great, and of high import, the former should be elevated and dignified, but when the matter is mean and poor, the manner of treating it should be humble and low. Sir, they have well suited their justification to their case, for the case is not more atrocious than the justification is shabby, prevaricating, and inconsistent. It varies like a hill of sand in the wind; but, sir, it is needless to stay to enquire whether these inconsistent, contradictory, belligerent pleas are five, or six, or more or less; enough is clear, that they rely on none who venture on so many; that thinking many defences better than one, they set up such as are contradictory. Like the well known story, they attempt to prove two alibis lest one should fail. They seem to think that many sophisms are equal to one good argument, or that arguments should be suited like patterns of dress to different tastes and different purposes. One reason to critical, inquiring, uninfluenced Europe, another to a credulous, confiding, docile majority. Indeed, their justifications (like Quixote's balsam, that would only cure the wounds of him that had been dubbed a knight,) are of no value but in the estimation of their own right and lawful adherents, and will not go down unless taken in a mixture sweetened by a little gratitude for past favours, or a little expectation of future ones. It has been said by an ancient writer that the augurs in Rome could not meet to inspect the entrails, or feed the sacred chickens, without smiling at each other, and I am much surprized that his majesty's ministers, with such a defence as theirs, can turn round and look their majority in the face without laughing. Indeed they should use their friends with more respect, and should at least appear to believe their own justification before they ask of others to do so. Si vis me flere dolendum est primum ipsi tibi' is a rule as good for eloquence in parliament as for poetry in the theatre. In thus examining the trivial, discordant, contradictory, and unsatisfactory pleas of ministers, I can see but little, except their variety, to recommend them. They are so unsound that being exposed to the air they crumble into dust.-This, sir, is the wretched figure which their case makes when stript to the naked truth; and now I may ask the three questions which I stated early. But if, sir, there are doubts, and many doubts of the affirmative of these questions, what then is the situation to which ministers have reduced this great and generous na tion? What then are the characteristics of this measure? Sir, it is most painful, however necessary, to be compelled to find that there is so unanswerable a case against ministers, because they have had the power to sully, with their own, the character of their country. It would be useless however, to hope that Europe would be deceived, if we would not enquire, that we could escape from the consequences, because we desired not to understand the nature of the proceedings. Since our conduct at Copenhagen will be understood by Europe for our humiliation and injury, let us be acquainted with its nature for our reproof and reformation :-let us endeavour to understand its injustice and its impolicy, that we may repair the former, and avoid the latter. I know, sir, that topics of this kind are not popular in this house; that a sort of contempt is entertained for all discussions of right and wrong; that we like to hear of our power, and not of our duties; and that many, even the youngest men among us, treat these considerations with ridi cule: but, sir, this is not only far from honourable, it is also far from safe. Convinced as I am, that injustice is only another name for impolicy. Viewing any transaction rather in its general consequences, than in its immediate mischiefs to the perpetrators, I cannot but hear with great apprehension, such invitations, as we have heard of late, to despise the rules and maxims of good faith, sanctioned as they have been hitherto by our own professions, and by our own practices, lest such a scepticism should lead, not only to ignominy, but to ruin.-There seems to have grown up of late a disposition to consider all political morality as an incumbrance in real affairs, and we have recently heard them ridiculed in this house, as fit only for the schools, but unfit for the guidance of parliaments, and of ministers. And here, sir, I cannot but regret that in this new school, the sages and doctors are our youngest men.— -Young men, in whom we expect, and rather wish to find some generous mistake, some graceful enthusiasm, some attachment to the principles, which, if well taught, they must have learnt both from their friends, and their tutors.-I am ready to acknowledge, and to praise the prematurity of their talents, and to own that their understandings have none of the imperfections of their years, but, sir, in their feelings, and in their principles, there seems to be an equal prematurity.-Sir, they have lived long in a little time, there is no youth in their minds: no spring in their years. They have had the ill fortune, even if their present opinions were correct, to have lost too soon the cheering illusions of life, and I should wish them to believe that if such opinions as they have rejected, were only prejudices, that removing such prejudices is like tearing off one's skin that we may feel the better.But, sir, these ancient rules are not absurd prejudices, nor is our practice of late right to try how nearly we can go to the edge of right and wrong without passing over the awful boundary. It is better, sir, to keep at a safe distance: for my part, I own, sir, that I cannot consent to go so nearly to the verge of the precipice. My head is not strong enough to stand there, and to survey, without giddiness and terror the abyss of disgrace and destruction below. One cannot help feeling an unwillingness to discuss truths so self-evident, and so important, to which our obedience should be habitual, and implicit. There is a want of respect for them, even in defending them the controversy necessarily throws an air of doubtfulness over truths however certain and venerable. It is saying nothing, to say that there are exceptions to such generalities, for there are very few, and when they occur they bring the evidence of their necessity along with them. Necessity, if it comes at all, comes like an armed man, and resistance is foolish and impracticable.-There may be doubts, as to nice and difficult cases, but we know, we certainly know, where the truth lies, as we know where about the sun is in the heavens, although clouds prevent his appearance. It is not true that there exists the supposed war between theory and practice, between reasoning and life. Theory may be foolish, may be inapplicable, and theorists may be silly or wicked, but philosophy is no more to be accountable for the errors of philosophers, than religion is answerable for the errors of priests. In the latter case, luckily, we have learnt to make the distinction, but we have still to learn to make it in the former.-But, sir, the authority of this new sect, of this prevalent heresy, needs not shake us in our convictions. It is an old and worn-out sophistry, patched up and vamped, and glossed over for the present occasion. The laws of nations are as true as if they had never been disputed, and all we can say is, that we must VOL. X. 1 pity those who dispute them. The attempt cannot injure even the surface of such solid truths, and the impression will pass away like the effect of breathing on polished silver.-A slight mist that vanishes in a moment.-Ignorance alone can call such opinions in question, and ignorance, we know, is given to despise whatever she does not understand. An untaught man can see in a book only inky unmeaning scrawls, where an instructed mind reads the sublimest truths, or the most affecting eloquence.-I should, sir, however have rejoiced to say, that no authority greater than that of violent party, or ministerial speeches, had lent it's countenance to these dreadful doctrines. No man of humanity, nor of honour, can read, I should think, without shuddering, two passages put by ministers into the Declaration against Denmark. That his majesty has long carried on a most unequal contest of scrupulous forbearance. against unrelenting violence and oppression. That it was time that the effects of that dread which France has inspired into the nations of the world, should be counteracted by an exertion of the power of Great Britain.' Combining, sir, these passages in the Declaration with the principles avowed by ministers, and their advocates, it seems that, serious as the facts are which we are now considering, that the principles of British policy are to be lowered down to our practice, or rather degraded below it's level.-Men in general are said to become attached to their principles as they do to their children, by the sacrifices they make to them, but we, sir, seem to look back on our past scrupulosity with regret, and to consider all the years of our adherence to good faith, as so much time thrown away and lost. We are more unwilling that others should be knaves, than that we should be such ourselves.-So, then, it seems, that after contending with violence and injustice, for fifteen anxious years, we are grown weary of the honourable conflict, the noble task, with which all Europe rings from side to side.-We are fatigued by an adherence to the principles and practices of our ancestors, and have begun a race of iniquity with our' antagonist, now that he has so long got the start of us. As we are making such good speed, it is fit that we inquire whether we are in the right road, or whether we have forsaken the beaten path and are wandering, God knows whither! into trackless deserts, and dangerous quagmires. 4 H it affords. If loss accrues, the only effects are pecuniary. How far this security has operated, it is dreadful to think, and how long we may be permitted to be secure, it is as dreadful to doubt.Indeed, sir, some symptoms of compunction or uneasiness have been expressed, by one right hon. gent. of whom I am glad to entertain the same opinion, that is entertained by his friends; however frequently the tides and currents of public affairs may accidentally carry him away from the straight course: and he described, sir, this business with a very appropriate epithet, in calling it a heart-breaking one. Supposing the feeling that dictated this expression to be serious, he must be aware that so small a grain of perfume cannot sweeten such a mass of offence. I take it for granted that his colleagues, too, will claim their share in these tender feelings for the sufferings of the Danes, and for the wounds given to British honour, and it must have been a most amusing, as well as a most edifying sight, to have seen the cabinet assembled on the final decision of this business. What a mixture of policy and morals, of fortitude and tenderness! what a display of white handkerchiefs when they signed the fatal counsel. Yet alas, sir, all this reluctance proves but little for their characters, and only classes them with that destructive, inexorable animal, which devours his prey with his eyes full of tears. Different as their cha It is fitting that we should pause before we learn this new alphabet of meanness and mistake, for if we say A, we must say B also, and must go through to the last letter. An admission of such principles as are now avowed, is unbounded in its consequences. It is not a sudden gust, but the steady trade wind, that will carry us out of our course into unknown seas and unforeseen periis. Bad precedents are the most dreadful legacy we can leave to those that follow us. They are hæreditas damnosa,' like the bequest of Mirabeau to his friend when he left to him the payment of his debts; we cannot get rid of the liabilities, we cannot cut off the entailfor nations, sir, in this world have that future existence, the belief of which is so necessary to prevent individuals from preferring the present tempting violence to the future and permanent reward. The nation of next year and next century must reap the harvest sown by the nation of this year and this century. The criminality of the fact is limited in its extent and duration, and perhaps in it's conse*quences. But, sir, to preach violence and rapine, to affirm that there is no rule for human action but the interested judgment of those who happen to have power, this, sir, this is striking a blow at the heart of society. Such a doctrine must be felt in every age, and in every country. It is absolving and proclaiming a general pardon to all the tyrants of the world; for which will not plead state necessity? It is un-racters are, they ultimately concurred in speakably important to be correct in our opinion on such subjects, for the happiness and tranquillity of millions are concerned. To make a mistake, here, in the law that keeps the earth from being a desert, and man from being a wild beast, is most momentous. The law of nations is an extraordinary code, and has most peculiar properties. It is extremely penal,- it inforces it's sentence by fire and sword, in letters of blood, and generally in the blood of the innocent.. In this happy country we require of a penal law that the delinquency should be incontestible, and that the interpretation should be favourable. But in national law there is no public that we now seem to fear, and it is left without tribunal or sanction. We seem to have forgotten not only our sense of honour, but our reasonable fear of retaliation and revenge: our insular situation renders us peculiarly liable to the temptation of departing from this law, for we can scarcely need the protection that the shameful advice; and the pharisee and the publican surrendered their doubts to the same temptations.-Now, sir, as to the impolicy of the measure. In the first place, we who were at the head of the hopes of Europe, and perhaps of its affections, as France unfortunately was at the head of its power; we have squandered all the accumulated character of centuries, in one act of prodigal and mistaking violence, and if we are incapable of lamenting the injury done to our own feelings, and to the principles of justice, we still must regret our loss of character, as the loss of power and influence. Even Chartres agreed that he would readily give a fortune for a good character, because he could get a much larger fortune by means of it. But, sir, there are better reasons; for in politics as in mathematics, the straightest line is the shortest, and in political questions you may in truth judge of the character of a transaction by its consequences. Our injustice |