and violence are a fresh proof of an old in Russia was strong and discontented, remark; that the vices defeat their own and that the force of public suffering from purpose: a man addicted to sensual plea- the rending asunder of our ancient ties of sure, fills his body with pains; and a connection might have spoken out so forcivain man becomes ridiculous: so does bly, as to influence even the emperor' our violence tend to weaken our influence himself, powerful as he is. How easy and power, and not to increase them. In have we now rendered it, for his ministers this case, sir, we may infer the real cha- to excite popular indignation against us? racteristics, the atrocity of the measure how easy now for the French party to by its innumerable evils, as you judge of suppress and silence the friends of the the fury of a storm, by the wrecks it has English ?-But, say the dispatches of the thrown on shore.-I shall not mention the ministers at the Russian court, and say the trade of the Baltic and of Denmark, great ministers here, the symptoms of returning as it was, both in imports and exports, but, confidence appeared after the intelligence I shall just advert to the three purposes of had arrived at the court of St. Petersburgh. the imputed confederacy, enumerated in his If this be so, if the court of St. Petersmajesty's Declaration: 1. To shut the Sound burgh is of so peculiar a character as to against us. 2. To exclude us from our be pleased when its influence is braved, its commercial, and indeed all other connec- allies conquered, and its purposes defeated, tion, with the continent. 3. To seize the what a pity that the connection between Danish navy The last, so far as regards that court, and our ministers, was broken, the ships, and some of the stores, alone since the latter, judging from the remarkawe have prevented, but we have effectual- ble passage in the Declaration, are so willly surrendered the former two: for the ing, so determined in future, to conciliate all carcasses of the ships, and a few stores, our allies, by acts of violence, fraud, and most dearly bought, even in a pecuniary rapine.--Why, sir, did we not further view, by the expences of the expedition, conciliate her by seizing the squadron of which the wretched, the scandalous that passed us? But, sir, to be serious, inventory is on your table, we have sur- since such is the determination of the rendered both the first objects, in shutting present administration, instead of regretourselves out of the Sound, and from the ting, we should rejoice that we are at continent. We have given up the sailors, last left without an ally to betray, and docks, and harbours; we have lost an an- without a neutral nation on the earth to cient, useful, and neighbouring ally, of pillage and destroy. The value of our the same religion, and governed by the connection with Russia is inestimable, and near relation of the illustrious family on here we have an unexceptionable proof, for our throne. We have laid the certain in one dispatch of the secretary of state it is foundations of a deep, incurable, imperish-urged that the only chance of safety for able hatred in the Danes, to be taught 'what remains of Europe, depends on the them in the nursery, to be confirmed and renewal of a good understanding between revived every time they pass through the England and Russia.'-And, sir, from marks of our violence on their capital, the interesting conversation lately pubon their palaces, and their altars.-Welished, between a noble lord, then on an have exposed Sweden, for how can we hope to defend her, exposed as she is on the east in Finland, and on the south in Sweden itself. We have alienated Russia, for after lord Hutchinson's statements, and even after lord G. L. Gower, we can have no doubt that the emperor's hostility previous to our bombardment of Copenhagen, was reluctant, and would have been languid, but since that unfortunate and unprincipled affair it has become hearty, and will be vigorous. In the first cases we might have expected tardy and ineffectual force in the field, and on the sea, and ill-executed prohibitions of our trade. -They have alienated Russia, for if there was a probability that the English party important mission, and the emperor, it is easy to perceive the profound and mischievous impression, produced on the emperor's mind, by this unexpected and outrageous transaction. As I have already intimated, the emperor's reproaches express at least as much sorrow and regret, as they do indignation, and a determination to obtain satisfaction.-What, indeed, can be more just than his imperial majesty's observation, that now we have gone beyond the outrages of the government of the French, that we had now justified all their proceedings, and that if such proceedings were admissible, there is an end to all relations between state' and state, that anarchy had begun, and that all were at liberty to do as they pleased.-Sir, the ruler of the French is an able player at the terrible game of hostility, he not only plays his own game skilfully, but he plays well to the blunders and faults of his antagonists. In one fatal transaction we have furnished him with an answer to all our manifestoes, declarations, and invocations of the Supreme Being to aid our cause.-If we speak of the capture of our ministers, the violation of neutral territory at Anspach, of the murder of the last hope of the Condé family-his reply will be, but you besieged Copenhagen. If we call for vengeance on his head, and reproach him for the blood that he spilt in Switzerland, for the subversion of their peaceful governments, and the destruction of the freedom, the independence and the lives of its virtuous inhabitants, he again can answer, look at home, you justified me at Copenhagen.' -If we call for indignation to descend on his head, because of his revolutionary frauds and violences in Italy and Egypt, he will again reply, and you, you besieged and fired Copenhagen, and stole its navy.' Alas, sir, what with the conduct of France and England, the ancient tranquillity of Europe is disturbed, never to be restored, and all nations must hereafter, whatever be the distressing expence, whatever be the horrible inconveniences, stand as it were in arms, and perhaps in Europe, as in the turbulent and disorderly governments of Asia, the husbandman must sow and reap with arms in his hands. Now, sir, though this answer is not effectual for his vindication; it is effectual to silence, disgrace, and humiliate us. He will do more he will feel relieved from those embarrassments, which some regard to the opinion of Europe threw in his way, when he permitted Austria to retain possessions which he wants, Prussia to keep, and Italy to be divided into something like kingdoms. Why not add Spain and Portugal to his kingdom? The greatest mischief that the vain and unprincipled Louis xiv.th brought upon Europe was the necessity of preserving peace by the cumberous and burthensome aid of immense standing armies. This necessity is now most grievously increased by France and by us, and no place accessible by land deems itself secure from her: so in future can none accessible by sea, repose as heretofore in unarmed security. But, sir, its effect in discouraging this nation, is perhaps, more prejudicial than its encou Will ragement of France, Russia, and Denmark, in their hostile attempts. Many eloquent exhortations have been published in every form, inciting the people to bear all burthens and brave all dangers cheerfully, in defence of their wives, their children, their sovereign, and their religion. the people of this country hereafter forget that the Danes, too, at Copenhagen, had wives and children, their sovereign and their altars, to defend against us, the invaders? Will no recollection of our violences in Denmark lie heavy on our spirits, when called upon to resist the violences of the enemy, retaliating upon us. Is there no change now in the spirit that animates both the parties in this terrible contest ? Will not the hostile myriads on the opposite shores feel an increase of ardour and confidence, now that they are called upon to revisit on us the aggressions of our own fleets and armies? Will not this gallant people feel some little abatement of that confidence in their own just cause, and in the protection of Heaven, which in all our papers, our pulpits, our tribunals, and our parliaments, have been held forth as the most rational and steady principles of reliance and security? Alas, sir! the scene is now changed, and if any man now hearing me thinks that this is a light matter, or that these moral causes are mere pretexts, and have no influence on mankind, I pity from my soul his ignorance of human nature, and his mean mistaken conceptions of the motives that actuate it. It was, therefore, no rash, romantic, inconsiderate declaration that was made by a right hon. gent. whose talents and wisdom are far above my praise, (Mr. Windham) on a former occasion, that he would rather that Buonaparte should have the ships manned as they would be by disaffected crews, and equipped by a reluctant government, and that we should have preserved our character, and our influence over the mind of Europe. When I think of the little we get, and of the much we lose, I cannot help despising the folly as much as detesting the injustice of our calculations. To rob a little, as we have done, is to be weak, as well as unprincipled; take all or take nothing, and leave not the injured man a weapon to revenge himself. We have taken up the trade of fraud and violence, too late, for the robber in possession has the advantage of us: our's are the miserable gleanings, but his the full harvest of spoil and iniquity.-Sir, we have heard praises bestowed on what is cailed the vigour of ministers: with such a want of regard for the interests of human nature, and with such a short sighted policy, inactivity would almost be a virtue. But, sir, a vain desire to be doing something, a restless passion for celebrity, a desire to eke out their want of reputation by some shewy noisy act, has misled them; and, sir, it is unfortunately as hard to obtain a fair fame and an honest popularity, by wisdom and by talents, as it is easy to gain notoriety by extravagance, and excessive atrocity. They seemed determined to engraft their names on some striking action, and they have had recourse to injustice, that they might attract observation. And, sir, though it requires great patience, perseverance, and wisdom, to raise the fabric of a fair character and of great influence in Europe, yet the madness or incapacity of a few vain men in power can lay it in the dust in a few moments. Though one begins this subject with indignation, one ends it in grief. This, then, sir, is the situation in which we now stand, after this convulsive effort of insane exertion: Denmark has been invaded, despoiled, insulted, degraded, and exasperated beyond the remedy of restitution and repentance: Russia has been wounded in her pride, alienated in her policy, and driven into determined hostility: Sweden is exposed to imminent ruin, which even now is bursting on her head: France is justified, encouraged and strengthened in her course: and the rest of the world is turning away from us in disgust, regret, contempt, and indignation. And all these calamities, this nakedness of condition, we owe to ourselves, to our own violences, and not to the enemy. Hereafter, all our misfortunes must be embittered by the consciousness of having deserved them. In this portrait I do not recognize the ancient features of my country, the accustomed characteristics of England. They are defaced and destroyed by the misconduct of those who guide her affairs, and we are hesitating, or doing worse, we are meditating to involve parliament in their disgrace. Let us stop, to use the language of the Declaration, while it is yet time, and withhold our sanction, if we have not the fortitude to censure their misdeeds.-Sir, it is difficult, (I have found it impossible) to speak of these events without using, however unwillingly, the expressions of warmth and of resentment: but, sir, this is the fault of the case, and not the fault of the speaker, of those who have been guilty of the transaction, and not of those who describe it.—I know not what the feeling of indignation was given us for, if it is not to be excited and justified by such a proceed, ing. It is not our fault, if the circumstances are such as to give to the plainest narration the colours of the severest in vective, and if the unexaggerated facts cannot be stated without the use of words suggested by the feelings necessarily associated with such events. I am aware, sir, that to suit the temper of a majority of gentlemen here, it would have been prudent to subdue one's best emotions, and to dilute their natural expressions. -It was once said by a man of rank and influence, which he had employed to the unspeakable mischief of his country, that he had derived considerable advantage from the nature of his actions being such, as to render an honest adversary averse even to the mention of them. There is some such sad and profligate advantage, arising to the perpetrators of the violences at Copenhagen, that their conduct cannot be spoken of properly but in a tone and manner not approved in parliament, which has such an aversion to what is called declamation and vehemence, that it will scarcely endure them, even when the language they use, is the only language suited to the occasion. Sir, I allow that gentleness, civility, and self-restraint are no small virtues, but on such an occasion as this, there is one thing fairly worth them all, and that is-truth. In the little transitory controversies of wrangling parties, let the former appear and please, but here, sir, on this occasion, let no man be blamed for the only terms that correspond with the subject. If the attack we speal of was not unavoidable, it is impossible to cxaggerate either the guilt or the folly. What is meant by candour, and mildness, and moderation, is indeed sometimes of great use in public affairs, and never of more, than when they shelter the errors of ministers from ridicule, and their criminality from detection. They are, sir, however, not the excellencies of all times and of all seasons; in some they are a want of courage, in others they are want of integrity. The recent violation of public law at Copenhagen, the sudden overthrow of all our commercial policy, the breach of some of our most important and most constitutional statutes, by the rash and ignorant Orders in Council, are all the ill-favoured consequence of an alarm 1 on the dread, which France has inspired, should be counteracted by a similar exertion part of Great Britain.'-To such men, how fortunate, how providential it must appear, that the changes of last year in his majesty's councils have taken place. ing change in our principles of public faith, and of public maxims.-We have heard enough, and perhaps more than was honestly meant of the dangers of innovation, but no innovation can equal the late innovations of the men who are in power-It is perhaps the greatest evil of the French For, sir, if it be necessary that the laws revolution, that it has let loose a mischie- of civil society should be broken, if it vous spirit of scepticism, tempting us to be necessary, that the commerce of the distrust all the maxims of right and wrong country should be annihilated, if it be nethat have hitherto kept the world from cessary that the ancient, the enviable having more resemblance to a place of constitution of England should be sustorment, than a state of probation.--Eng- pended or foregone, how much are we to be land, not England-We are invaded-con- congratulated, that ministers have so little quered-French principles have invaded understanding of the one, and so little reus-we are conquered in our hearts.spect for the other. Too much regard for From the choice of those whose principles the value of public character-too much and conduct ministers have lately told us knowledge of the value of our trade and that they study in order to avoid them; manufactures-too much affection to our from the selection of him whom they pur- inestimable constitution-might disable pose to imitate; it is easy to infer what them from carrying these needful violawill be the future characteristics of their tions into full and sufficient effect.-And administration.—They have learned, sir, indeed, sir, if, as I believe, the noble and not only to admire the enemy, but to honourable persons who were recently pay him the sincerest homage, the ho- dismissed from their stations, understand mage of imitation.-Would to heaven, sir, their own interests as well as they do those such being their choice, that they knew of their country, and if they feel for better what in him to select for their ex- their own honour as acutely as I think ample; but imitators in general are blun- they do, they will be contented, they dering plagiarists, and copy rather the will rejoice, that they are not called defects than the excellencies of their oriupon to save the state by shedding ginal. With such a sensibility to the beau- innocent blood, and by violating the ties of his crimes, I wish that they joined some respect for his prudence and sagacity. Sir, this is a most frightful effect of the successes of the French, that they have subdued the minds as well as the bodies of their adversaries.-Is there something in his faults more congenial to their taste or more level to their talents? But, the translation they publish of Buonaparte's works, is a brown paper edition. -Sir, there are not wanting those, and they are no inconsiderable persons in this country, who see with pleasure both in India and in Europe, the recent appearances of Englishmen having adopted the principles and assimilated to the character of France. To such, sir, who think that security for England is to be sought in destroying the peace of other countries, that the nation ought to distrust its past experience, ought to be weary of its ancient character, and in short, sir, who think with the Declaration, That his majesty has too long carried on a most unequal contest with unrelenting violence and oppression; that it is right, that the effects of such a system should be anticipated. That it is time that the effects of that laws of nations and the laws of the land. They will be satisfied with the barren unprofitable duty of defending the great maxims of both, and leave to others the disreputable and mischievous task of establishing the exceptions.-Sir, I hope these honourable persons will continue their meritorious exertions, however small the numbers may be that support them in this house. With such a case as theirs, they cannot fail of success, if they do but persist. Perseverance in a doubtful purpose makes a doubtful purpose respectable, perseverance in a good purpose makes a good cause irresistible. For my part, sir, although for the sake of the house and of the country, I could ardently wish that many may be found to reprobate the expedition to Copenhagen, yet I shall be little dejected, and not at all disappointed, however small the number that is found to concur with me. Besides the duty which a public man owes to his country, he owes something to himself; and I own, sir, that if some attempt had not been made to restore the national character, and if, while I had the honour to sit in this house, either indolence or timidity had even by the imperfect documents which have been laid before us; and is distinctly acknowledged in the proclamation issued by his majesty's commanders immediately before the attack. That not only was. Denmark no party to such a league, but we see no ground to believe that she was ence is, to say the least, in the highest degree questionable. That the conclusion of any secret articles at Tilsit, affecting the rights or interests of this country, appears to have been uniformly denied, both by Russia and France; and that the cor-, respondence of his majesty's secretary of state, and the dates of the transactions, prove, that if any such articles did exist, his majesty's ministers were not in possession of them, when the attack was or deterred me from exerting, to the utmost, my feeble powers in the support of such an attempt, the recollection of having had a seat here, would be a never-failing source of regret and self-reproach-Liberavi animam meam. I have discharged what I feel to be my duty, and I am sure of my reward in the satisfaction of having over-privy to it; and the very fact of its existcome my reluctance to present myself to the house on so important an occasion. I shall have entered my protest (and shall have given other gentlemen more able an opportunity to do the same) against a measure, which in my conscience, I think to be equally injurious to the character and to the interests of my country, and, in defence of which, I have heard no facts alledged but such as are untrue or unproved, and no arguments employed but such as are inapplicable or frivolous.dered against Copenhagen.—That his maI shall conclude, sir, with moving, "That jesty's ambassador at St. Petersburgh, in an humble Address be presented to his an official note, rested the defence of that majesty, submitting to his majesty, that we measure, not on the hostile purposes either have attentively considered all the infor of Denmark or of Russia, but solely on mation before us, respecting the late at- designs which it was said the French gotack on Copenhagen, and the war in which vernment had long been known to enterwe have consequently been involved; and tain.-And, that his majesty's ministers that we deeply lament to have found it not only advised his majesty to abstain imperfect, contradictory, and unsatisfac- from those measures of hostility against tory in all its parts. That respecting a Russia, which it was their duty to have transaction in which both the honour and recommended, had they really believed the interests of our country are so deeply in the existence of such engagements ; concerned, we had hoped for the fullest but they actually solicited her mediation explanation. That the principles of our to extinguish that war, and her guarantee constitution, and the uniform practice of to defeat those projects, in which it is now his majesty and the sovereigns of his illus- pretended she was known to have been a trious house, require that parliament should principal and contracting party. That be distinctly apprized of the true grounds allegations, thus inconsistent with themof entering into new wars, and especially selves, and contrary to admitted facts, in a situation of the country so extraordi- rather weaken than support the case to nary and unprecedented as the present. which they are applied. That, with resThat had Denmark been a party to any pect to the pretended necessity of the hostile confederacy, either for menacing case, we beg leave respectfully to assure his majesty's territories or invading his his majesty, that we cannot think so maritime rights, our resistance would have meanly of the power and resources of his been necessary, and our warfare legiti-empire, of the spirit of his people, or of mate; and that under such circumstances, the valour and discipline of his fleets and this house would only have had to regret armies, as to admit that such an act would that his majesty should have been advised have been required for any purpose of selfso lightly to abandon the ports and arse-preservation.-And that, whatever temnals of that country; for, that had the al-porary advantages the possession of the leged danger been real, the possession of those ports during the war would have afforded the best security against that danger; whereas the abandonment of them has now left us more than ever exposed to it. But that we can entertain no doubt, that instead of engaging in hostile leagues, Denmark wished only to maintain her neutrality; that this fact is proved ships and stores taken at Copenhagen may afford, have been more than counterbalanced by the increased dangers arising from the manner by which they have been obtained. That this measure, so highly objectionable both in policy and in principle, has augmented the number of our enemies; has animated against us the passions of whole nations, who before |