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son he was most anxious that the least de- ; object of the right hon. gent.'s amend. láy possible might occur, before the senti- ments. ments of that house upon the subject, in The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, its present circumstances, should go forth that in any amendments he might feel it to the country; and he was the more his duty to offer, his sole object would be, anxious on this ground, because a very to prevail upon that house to let the bill general misunderstanding had arisen with so go out of it as to ensure, as far as could out doors, both upon the measure itself, be done, the concurrence of the lords ; to and the late proceeding thereupon. That make the bill now before the house submisunderstanding had been most industri- stantively different from that which had ously excited; he would not say with been already rejected by the upper house. what view, nor from what motives, but He knew not that it would be necessary certainly it had been most actively disse- for him to suggest any amendment to the minated. For himself, he was free to de- committee ; nor was he at all anxious to clare what, in his humble opinion, should engraft any amendment on the bill, but in be the main object of that house in its fur- the way and for the purpose he had alther proceedings on this measure ; so to ready stated. arrange and model the bill, that they Mr. Calcraft really felt for the embarmight not send up to the other house the rassment under which the right hon. the same bill which that other house had al- chancellor of the exchequer laboured. ready rejected; and if they could so qua- Having given notice of two precise lify the bill as to ensure the concurrence amendments, he thought that in courtesy of the other house, without vitally affect to the house, and in justice to his own coning its principle, he did think that the sistency, the right hon. gent. ought to exhouse in that case would have accomplish- plain his intentions more specifically. ed its object. But if any bill which had The Chancellor of the Exchequer could been rejected by the other house should only repeat what he had already distinctly be again sent up to them, gentlemen must stated on the subject, with respect to the feel, that the lords would, in that case, principle by which his conduct would be jealously assert their own privileges, and regulated. The manner in which it would consult their honour and dignity as one of be proposed to fill up the blanks in the the houses of parliament, in rejecting at committee, must unquestionably influence once any attempt to force upon them his determination. He thanked the hon. measure they had already negatived. He, gent. for his kind sympathy, in what he for his part, should chearfully accede to was pleased to term his embarrassment. the proposition of his hon. friend; but at He was, however, conscious of no embarthe same time, if it would be so inconve- rassment; but on the contrary, believed, nient to the right hon. gent. now to go that the embarrassment was on the part

of into a committee, he should not resist any the hon. gent. and his friends, who were arrangement for mutual accommodation. apprehensive that the measure, about

The Speaker thought it necessary to ap- which they professed to be so anxious, prize the house, that no order being should go to the house of lords with less dropped was revived of course, unless a obstruction than they anticipated. general understanding in any particular Mr. Calcraft declared it was his most case dispensed with the general usage : it anxious wish that the bill should go to the was otherwise competent for any hon. lords in such a shape, as to give it a chance member to object to any motion grounded of being passed by their lordships.

It on such order.

was on that account that he was glad to Mr. Bankes said, that he should be go- find the hon. mover intended to limit the verned by the opinion of the chair, and operation of it to two years. He could therefore should now merely move, that not at all comprehend the right hon. gent, the house do to-morrow resolve itself into Mr. Bankes trusted that his conduct in a committee on the said bill.

the whole of this transaction would be free Mr. Tierney, before the question was from any suspicion that he would admitof a put, wished to know from the right hon. dishonourable compromise on the subject. gent. opposite, if it was his intention to He repeated his former statements, that he propose in the committee any amendments, had never in the most remote degree abanof a nature so important as to affect mate- doned the original principles in which he rially the principle and constitution of the submitted this bill to the house; he hoped bill? He wished, in short to know the that the house would never abandon them;


but he had considered himself obliged to give up for a time a part of those principles, in order to do as much as he could, since he could not do all that he wished.

Mr. Tierney disclaimed all intention of imputing to the hon. gent. any improper motives.

Mr. Whitbread thought the house had not been fairly treated by the right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer. He had formerly stated two specific amendments which it was his intention to propose ; amendments which would certainly render the bill nugatory, but which had nothing on earth to do with the limitation of time in the operation of the bill; and now the right hon. gent. said, that he should be regulated by the filling up of the blanks in the committee, when in fact there was but one blank in the bill, and that blank related solely to the limitation of time. This bill had attracted great attention throughout the country. It was a bill of considerable public moment, and that had been much increased by the manner in which it had been opposed in the other house. As the house of commons could have no security that the bill, however modified, would be agreed to by the house of lords, he thought it most important that they should at least preserve their consistency, even at the hazard of giving offence to their lordships; it had always been his intention, therefore, and he now formally notified it, when the bill had passed through the committee, to move that the limitation of time should be left out altogether. For the purpose of allowing the bill to be committed to-morrow, he would cheerfully postpone his motion for papers respecting Russia to Friday.-The bill was then ordered to be committed to-morrow.

[PAUPER LUNATICS.] Mr. C. Wynnet moved for leave to bring in a bill for the t better care and maintenance of Pauper r and Criminal Lunatics. The hon. genti expatiated with much feeling on the misery to which these unfortunate beings were at present exposed. It appeared by i the returns on the table, that there were at the present moment, above 1800 pauper and criminal lunatics, confined in places t where they were precluded from all possible chance of recovery. When it was known, that of the lunatics in Bedlam, St. b Luke's, &c. about half were annually re BO stored to a sane state of mind, the consideration that so many unhappy wretches as the criminal and pauper lunatics should be doomed to irremediable misery was a

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bell then proceeded briefly to sum up and earl to have been received, that house knew comment upon the evidence.-On the nothing of it, and therefore it could not question for the third reading of the bill, form a ground for supporting this measure.

Earl Bathurst stated the object of the Lord Boringdon contended, that the prinbill, which, he said, had been miscalled a ciple upon which supplies were cut off from bill of privation, as it went to allow the a besieged town equally applied to this exportation of bark upon certain condi- measure, and to the measures of which it tions. Information had been received, formed a part: and he thought it highly that the French government, wishing to ob- probable, that they would have a similar tain a supply of this article, had given effect with the cutting off supplies from a directions that this article should be ad- besieged town, within a period not longer mitted into the French ports, although even than some of the sieges during the coming from this country, provided it last war, by forcing the enemy to repeal formed the sole cargo of the vessel. It his decrees against the commerce of this was thought a little too much, that the country. The principle of prohibiting the enemy should not only obtain this article exportation of bark, was not here in quesof which he stood in need, but should also tion; as, under the operation of this meaobtain it upon his own terms; and there- sure, France might have bark if she chose, fore this measure was resorted to, in order that is to say, if she chose to take along that the enemy might be prevented from with it articles of British manufacture or obtaining a supply of this article, unless he took with it British colonial produce, or Bri The Earl of Albemarle wholly reprobated tish manufactures. He could not conceivę, this measure, which he considered as uttertherefore, that this bill was liable to any ly indefensible, it being contrary to the of those objections which had been urged dictates of religion and the principles of against it. A noble and learned lord had, humanity, highly impolitic, and at the on a former night, urged an objection to same time inefficacious, even in the view of it on the ground of religion; but surely those who proposed it. What effect could it there could be nothing inconsistent with have on the armies of France? It was merethe dispensations of Providence in assist- ly to operate on the sick and disabled; it ing and promoting human industry. was carring on war with hospitals, and not

Lord Erskine, notwithstanding the argu so much with the sick and disabled soldiers, ments of the noble earl, still maintained as the innocent peasant. It had been said in the opinion which he before urged, that a former debate by a noble lord, that if we this measure was contrary to the dic- had the hands of Europe against us, we tates of religion and the principles of had with us the hearts of many of its inhumanity; and so strongly did he feel habitants; but if this measure was to be upon this subject, that he intended, in carried into effect, we should have both the case the house agreed to the bill, to hands and hearts of all Europe against us. embody the reasons

which operated in his It would be besides of no avail : there was mind against it in the form of a protest, already a sufficient quantity of bark on the that they might remain upon the jour- continent. The noble earl quoted the nals of the house, and go down to posterity. prices of jesuits' bark in Feb. at Paris, to It could not be said to be analogous to the prove that it was not higher at that period, case of a siege, because there the ob- than the price in this country. This bill ject was, in forcing the besieged to endure therefore could not have the effect attributed privations, to compel them to surrender, to it by a noble lord, of operating with any by which they might put an end to those compulsory effect upon the enerny, he privations; but by this measure, sickness having already a sufficient supply of this and disease were to be bereft of a medicine, article ; it could only have the effect of which was an effectual remedy, and this displaying a principle of warfare wholly without any object to be attained, but that inconsistent with those feelings of justice of distressing the innocent inhabitants of and honour, which had hitherto formed the continent. Such a mode of warfare distinguishing features in the British chawas inconsistent with the dictates of tạe racter. christian religion; and he rejoiced, that The Earl of Westmoreland contended, that on this occasion, the reverend prelates noble lords on the other side, when in adwho usually attended that house, did not ministration, had by their blockade exattend to vote in favour of this measure. cluded bark, as well as other things (bark As to the information stated by the noble not being excepted), from the continent,

and that therefore that measure must not believe that any British peer, or, instand upon the same principle as the pre- deed, that any British subject, could be sent. When the noble lords talked of the found, at the present moment, vile enough distress inflicted upon the enemy, it should even in idea to countenance the enemies be recollected that the enemy had by his of the country. If however such a sentidecrees endeavoured to ruin the commerce ment could be imputed to any one, it must and manufactures of this country, and be to those who could support an administhereby to inflict the greatest misery upon tration capable of introducing measures thousands of persons employed in them. | like the present. Was it, then, to be regarded as an act of Lord "Redesdale supported the bill, as inhumanity to prevent him from obtaining consistent with sound policy, and the law an article of which he stood in need, unless of nature. he took with it a portion of those manufac

Lord Grenville took a comprehensive tures which he endeavoured to ruin? Was 'view of the subject. He particularly cauit not rather an act of policy, consistent tioned the house to look well at the consiwith and required by the interests of the deration they were to receive as the price country? He concluded with observing, of the honour, justice, and humanity of the that the arguments of the noble lords on country. The assertion of the noble lord the opposite side, tended, as they had done (Mulgrave) that we were entitled to resort during the whole sessions, to favour the to whatever species of warfare might be views of the enemy.

adopted against us, he confessed surprized Lord Holland combated the general him not a little. Were we, if at war with principle of the measure, which was not a nation of Indians, because they might calculated so much to affect the armies of scalp our men who fell into their hands, to our enemies, as to distress the women, retaliate on them by scalping their people children, and peasantry, in Spain and Por- in return? If at war with the Persians, and tugal, in which countries it was well known they poured poisoned weapons into our with what care and humanity the land- tents, were we too to poison the weapons holders made it their business to provide with which we fought? If they poisoned their tenantry with this necessary article. our streams of water, were we to retaliate The French armies, it must be known to by poisoning their fountains ? If they emevery one, would not want, so long as a ployed assassination against us, were we supply was to be had ; it must, therefore, to turn our swords from fair and honourable be by the helpless and oppressed inhabi. warfare, to match them in deeds of treatants that this privation would be chiefly chery and disgrace? Such, he thanked felt.

God, had never been our system of waging Lord Mulgrave vindicated the present war; nor, till the present measures were bill as one of those measures which were introduced, had we ever sacrificed a particalled for by the aggressions of our enemy. cle of our national character. It had been If he would resort to an unusual and unau- remarked, that one of the greatest ornathorised mode of warfare, nothing remain- ments of the city of Lyons was an hospital ed for us but to follow his example, and, for the sick and infirm; when that city by retaliation, to compel him to return was attacked by Robespierre, he ordered into the common and established track.

his cannon to be directed principally The Earl of Lauderdale could not for- against this structure, as being an object bear noticing the highly unparliament- the destruction of which gave peculiar ary conduct of the noble lord who bore delight to his sanguinary and inhuman his majesty's privy, seal, in charging disposition. In adopting the present meanoble lords on that side of the house, with sure, we endeavoured to assimilate ourhaving made it their business, for the last selves to that monster of inhumanity ; for month, to do nothing else but repeat the what else was the present bill, but a canlanguage of the enemies of the country. non directed against the hospitals on the Such language was highly indecorous at continent? The bill, however, had this any time; but it was still more so, at a additional disadvantage, that it was com. moment when the manufacturers and pletely futile and inadequate. So that all merchants of the country were seen at we should gain by the measure would be, their lordships bar, professing, and adduc- to evince the inclination, without possessing evidence in support of similar argu- ing the power, to do evil. ments to those which he and other noble The Lord Chancellor, in answer to the lords had maintained. His lordship could noble lord who spoke last, referred to an

act of the administration of which that no- | privation of the only remedy for some of ble lord was a member, by which the im- the greatest sufferings which war is capaportation of provisions into France was ble of inflicting, is manifestly repugnant prohibited, and asked, if it was possible to the principles of the christian religion, for any person to have acquiesced in that contrary to humanity, and not justified by measure, and yet to argue as the noble any practice of civilized nations.—2. Belord had done against that now under con cause the means to which recourse has sideration ?

been hitherto had in war, have no analogy Lord Huwkesbury defended the bill with to the barbarous enactment of this bill; great force and animation. He contended, inasmuch as it is not even contended that that in no respect was it inconsistent with the privation to be created by it has any justice and humanity, or sound policy, but tendency whatever to self-defence, or to conformable to the practice of this country compel the enemy to the restoration of at all times. The present measure was but peace; the only legitimate object by a link in the series of measures which had which the infliction of the calamities of been imperiously called for, by the urgent war can in any case be justified.-3. Benecessity of retaliation, and of the agency cause the only possible answer to these of every means that could bring the enemy objections is, that the bill will not produce to a sense of his own blind violence and the privation which is held forth as its injustice ; in short, it was one which pro- ostensible object, inasmuch as the jesuits mised to operate the salvation of the coun bark may be exported under licences from try-an effect which experience already the crown; but such an answer would began to prove had taken place to no small only prove the bill to be wholly useless to extent. As to the charges of inhumanity its purposes, whilst it would still leave in and cruelty which were affixed to the its full operation the odious precedent of measure by the noble lords opposite, he having resorted, in cold blood, for the could not but be surprised to hear them mere speculative sale of our manufactures, from the lips of the noble baron (Grenville), even to the possible infliction of iniseries who was himself the author of a measure not to be vindicated but by the view of in 1794, which evidently tended to starve self-preservation, or, in the extremities of the population of France without any dis- war, directed to that justifiable object.tinction.

4. Because, as no scarcity of the jesuits' Lord Rosslyn could not help making this bark appears to exist in France, and as, observation, that the price at which bark in the contrary case, no possible exertion bad been procured for the British army in on the part of this country could effectu1805, was only one shilling lower than that ally preventits importation into the numerat which it was known to be now selling ous ports under the dominion or controul at Paris. What, then, could be expected of the French government, the bill appears from the pressure which it was likely to to us to be grossly vicious in principle, produce on the enemy?

whilst it is absolutely nugatory in prac . The question was now eagerly called tice, and therefore in every point of view, for, and the house divided on the third disgraceful and absurd.—5. Because if it reading of the bill. Contents, 54 ; Proxies, were even just, expedient, or practicable, 56—110: Non-contents, 22; Proxies, to force the importation of our manufac22—44: Majority, 66.

tures upon our enemies, by withholding Lord Grenville presented a clause by the jesuits' bark but upon condition of their way of rider, with a view to indemnify in- permitting such importation, that princidividuals, who should be injured by the ple should have been distinctly expressed bill. Lord Hawkesbury opposed the clause, in the bill, and the conditions specifically as laying down a bad precedent. . It declared in it, instead of vesting in the was rejected without a division. The bill crown an arbitrary discretion to dispense was then passed.

with the prohibition by licences, a power (PROTEST AGAINST THE JEsuits BARK destructive of the equality of British coms Bill.] “Dissentient; 1. Because the je- merce, and dangerous to the freedom of suits' bark, the exportation of which is the British constitution. (Signed,) Erskine, prohibited by this bill, has been found by Cholmondeley, Upper Ossory, Bedford, long experience to be a specific for many Ponsonby, (earl of Besborough), Albe, dangerous diseases which war has a ten- marle, Ponsonby, (of Immokilly), Essex, dency to spread and to exasperate ; and Carrington, Grenville, Rosslyn, Lauderbecause to employ as an engine of war the dale, Clifton, (earl of Darnley.)”

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