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of France, none had contributed more largely to produce that disastrous effect, than the facility with which those states admitted every violation of the law of nations, of which the enemy wished to avail himself. We alone had avoided becoming the victims of the credulity, the irresolution, and the delay, that had overwhelmed all other countries. God forbid that we should ever degenerate into an imitation of them! He trusted that at such a crisis, encompassed as we were by external perils, we should never be cursed with the greatest of all evils, a timid and feeble government. High as the spirit, and ex-ing under the throne of that usurper whom tensive as the resources of the country were, its danger would indeed be imminent, were the administration of its affairs placed in the hands of men who, with their eyes open to the designs of the enemy, would be content to reply to his acts by arguments, or hesitate to act themselves from the apprehension of responsibility. Too long, indeed, had that enemy been permitted to proceed in his career of violence to neutral powers for the aggrandizement of his own. That the expedition to Copenhagen was most important and most critical, every one must have felt when its termination was in suspense; every one must now feel that it was most wise. Its criterion was its suc

with the nations of Europe in the cause of Europe, to our own cause, to ourselve: alone we must look. Accustomed as we had lately been to witness extraordinary events, he could not avoid expressing the astonishment which he felt to see the em peror of Russia, the champion of the continent, secured by his situation from the fate which had overtaken other countries, voluntarily put the last hand to the degradation of the powers of Europe; to see him descend from the proud eminence on which he had been placed, for the purpose of violating his engagements, and of crouch

cess.

With respect to the evils by which it was accompanied, every effort had been made to avert, and subsequently, to mitigate them. He challenged the annals of Europe to produce an instance of a warlike enterprise, in which so much entreaty had been resorted to before success, and so much forbearance manifested after it. What his majesty's ministers had planned with decision, they carried into effect with a force which could leave the Danes no hope of triumphing in a contest; and he confessed, he could no more consider the Danish government as justified in sacrificing the lives of so many gallant men in a hopeless resistance, than he could admire the heroism of the prince, who, himself escaping from the dangers by which he was environed, coolly devoted his capital to destruction, and its inhabitants to slaughter.-The conduct of the Russian government was another proof, that on ourselves we must depend for our security, and even for our existence. This last lesson that we had received, 'was, surely, the last lesson we could require to prove to us, that how ever ready we might be to co-operate

he had so recently insulted and defied.
That such should have been the conduct
pursued by the emperor Alexander, must
be deeply lamented. Unsatisfactory in-
deed, was the consolation, that the time
would soon come, when he would have
infinitely more reason to repent that con-
duct, than we had now to lament it. The
contrast which the firmness and magna-
nimity of the king of Sweden displayed,
commanded equally our admiration and
our support; and he was sure that the
house would gladly enable his majesty,
not only to fulfil his engagements with
that gallant prince, but also to show the
world that it was not by the quantum of
immediate interest that we measured our
national faith and friendship.-Of the
many important subjects of consideration
suggested by his majesty's speech, none
were more important than the principles
adopted, and the steps taken by our go-
vernment, to frustrate the enemy's de-
signs against our commerce.
So impor-
tant and so complicated were these sub-
jects, that he felt he should presume too
far, if he troubled the house with an opi-
nion upon them of such little weight as
his own. As far, however, as regarded
the principle of the measures adopted by
his majesty's ministers he might, perhaps,
be allowed to avow his sentiments. It was
the broad principle of retaliation and
self-defence. The conduct of France had
annihilated every thing in the world like
neutrality. There existed but two powers

the enemy's and our own-fortunately, these powers were too unequal to alarm us for the consequences; even should America be added to the number of our foes; an event which could in no wise be attributed to misconduct or precipitation on the part of his majesty's government. In a moment of frenzy France had issued edicts levelled at our commerce. Had

the object of these measures been obtain- | to the imposing upon his majesty an inseed; had they even partially crippled our cure and ignominious peace; and that, for means, the consideration that a temporary this purpose, it was determined to force distress to ourselves was utter ruin to our into hostilities against his majesty, states opponents, must have induced us to per- which had hitherto been allowed by severe in the contest with tranquillity and France to maintain or to purchase their firmness: but, the very reverse was the neutrality, and to bring to bear against fact. So far from our means having di- different parts of his majesty's dominions, minished, although the different branches the whole naval force of Europe, and speof our commerce might vary in extent, cifically the fleets of Portugal and Denthe aggregate of it exceeded that of the mark; and humbly to assure his majesty, most prosperous period of our history; that we concur with his majesty in thinkso much so indeed, that his majesty, in his ing, that, under those circumstances, the most gracious speech, expressed his con- placing of those fleets out of the reach of fidence, that no material increase to the such a confederacy, became an object of burdens of his people would be necessary. essential and indispensable necessity for -The noble lord trusted, that we might the security of his majesty's dominions :look forward with as much hope and sa- That while we feel perfectly convinced, tisfaction as we could look back with con- from the knowledge we have of the natutent and gratitude. There was one sub-ral generosity of his majesty's mind, that ject from the contemplation of which, in every point of view, unalloyed pleasure must be derived; it was the rescue from the power of France, of one of the oldest and most faithful of our allies, transferred from a country weak and indefensible, to one secure and powerful; an occurrence which afforded a field for brilliant anticipations on our part, into which he would not enter, as he felt that they were of an extent and importance beyond his powers of description, holding out commercial and political advantages in the highest degree encouraging to us. He was afraid that he had trespassed too long on the attention of the house, and should therefore only add, that under the impression of the feelings which he experienced, he should

move,

“That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this house, for the gracious Speech which he has directed to be delivered by the lords commissioners :- To assure his majesty, that, in this important conjuncture of affairs, he will find in us the same determination with which his majesty himself is animated, to support the honour of his crown, and the just rights and interests of his people; and humbly to thank his majesty, for having been graciously pleased to inform us that as soon as the result of the Negotiation at Tilsit had confirmed the influence and controul of France over the powers of the continent, his majesty was apprized that it was the intention of the enemy to combine those powers in one general confederacy; that such confederacy was to be directed either to the intire subjugation of his majesty's kingdom, or

it must have been with the greatest reluctance that his majesty, in pursuing this important object, so far as related to the Danish Fleet, felt himself compelled (when his majesty's endeavours to open a Negotiation with the court of Denmark had failed), to order his commanders to resort to the extremity of force; we at the same time most heartily congratulate his majesty upon the success which attended the execution of this most painful but necessary service:-That we learn, with great satisfaction, that the object which his majesty had to accomplish, with respect to the Fleet of Portugal, was happily attainable in a manner more congenial to his majesty's feelings; and that the timely and unreserved communication, by the court of Lisbon, of the demands and designs of France, confirming to his majesty the authenticity of the advices which his majesty is graciously pleased to state that he had received from other quarters, naturally entitled that court to an entire confidence on the part of his majesty, in the sincerity of the assurances by which that communication was accompanied, as well as to every degree of forbearance compatible with the ultimate and indispensable object of security to his majesty's dominions :-And to offer to his majesty our most hearty congratulations, that this confidence and forbearance of his majesty have been justified by the event; and that the fleet which had been destined as the instrument of vengeance against Great Britain has been preserved from the grasp of France, and is now employed in conveying to its American possessions the hopes and fortunes of the Portuguese mo

narchy; joining with his majesty in im- | alliance with Great Britain; and to conve ploring the blessings of Divine Provi- to his majesty our assurance, that we fee dence upon that great enterprise, and with him the sacredness of the duty whic rejoicing in the preservation of a power the firmness and fidelity of his Swedis so long the ally of Great Britain, and in majesty impose upon Great Britain; and the prospect of its establishment in the that we will cheerfully enable his majesty new world in augmented strength and to discharge it in a manner worthy of thi splendour :-To lament, in common with country:-To thank his majesty for in his majesty, that the determination, on forming us, that the Treaty of Commerce the part of the enemy, to excite hostili- Amity, and Navigation, between his ma ties between his majesty and his late al- jesty and the United States of America lies, the emperors of Russia and of Austria, which had been signed by commissioners and the king of Prussia, have proved so duly authorized for that purpose, has no successful; and to concur with his majesty taken effect, in consequence of the refusal in the propriety of his not having accepted of the President of the United States to the proffered mediation of the emperor of ratify that instrument :-To acknowledge Russia, until his majesty might have been with great satisfaction, his majesty's justice able to ascertain that Russia was in a con- in offering spontaneous reparation for an dition to mediate impartially, and until unauthorized act of force committed against the principles and the basis on which an American ship of war, and to lament France was ready to negotiate were made that an attempt has been made on the part known to his majesty; and whilst we see of the American government to blend the with regret the course pursued by the em- question arising out of this act, with preperor of Austria and the king of Prussia, tensions inconsistent with the Maritime to assure his majesty, that we are happy Rights of Great Britain; and, while we in hearing that his majesty has given concur with his majesty in earnestly them no ground of complaint, and that hoping that the American government they have not even at the moment when may still be actuated, in the discussion their ministers respectively demanded their now pending between the two countries, passports, alledged any pretence to jus- by the same desire to maintain peace and tify, or any distinct cause to account for friendship on which his majesty has unithat proceeding:To return his majesty formly acted, at the same time to offer our humble thanks for having been graour humble and hearty acknowledgments ciously pleased to direct, that Copies of to his majesty for the determination which the Official Notes which passed between he has been graciously pleased to express, his majesty's ambassador and the minis- to maintain unimpaired the Maritime ters for foreign affairs of his imperial ma- Rights of Great Britain:-Humbly to jesty the emperor of Russia, pending the thank his majesty, for having been graNegotiations at Tilsit, as well as of the ciously pleased to order that Copies of Official Note of the Russian minister at the Orders should be laid before us, which this court, which contained the offer of his majesty has issued with the advice of his Imperial majesty's mediation, and of his privy council, in consequence of the the Answer returned to that Note by his Decrees of the enemy, which declared his majesty's command; and also, Copies of majesty's dominions to be in a state of the Official Notes of the Austrian minister blockade, and subjected to seizure and at this court, and of the Answers which confiscation the produce and manufachis majesty commanded to be returned to tures of this kingdom, and to assure his them, should be laid before us. That we majesty, that we will not fail to take these hear with concern that his majesty's ear- Orders into our early consideration:nest endeavours to terminate the war with To return his majesty our humble thanks the Ottoman Porte have been defeated for having ordered the Estimates of the by the machinations of France, not less current year to be laid before us; and to the enemy of the Porte than of Great assure his majesty, that he may confidently Britain:-That we rejoice to find, that rely upon our readiness to make such prowhile the influence of France has unfortu- vision for the public service as the urgency nately proved too successful in exciting of affairs may require :-That we hear new wars, and preventing the termination with great satisfaction, that notwithstanding of existing hostilities against this country, the difficulties which the enemy has enthe king of Sweden has resisted every at- deavoured to impose upon the Commerce tempt to prevail upon him to abandon his of his majesty's subjects, and upon their

intercourse with other nations, the resources of the country have continued in the last year to be so abundant, as to have produced, both from the temporary and permanent revenue, receipts considerably larger than that of the preceding year; and that our satisfaction, arising from this proof of the solidity of these resources, will be greatly increased, if, according to the hope which his majesty has been graciously pleased to express, we shall be enabled to raise the necessary supplies for the present year, without any material additions to the public burdens:-To assure his majesty, that we feel the firmest Conviction, that if ever there was a just and national war, it is that which his majesty is now compelled to prosecute that this war in its principle is purely defensive; and that much as we should rejoice, in common with his majesty, at the attainment of a peace which would secure to us the safety and blessings which belong to peace, yet that we are firmly persuaded, that such a peace can only be negotiated on a footing of perfect equality and that if we display, as it is our fixed determination to do, in this crisis of the fate of the country, the characteristic spirit of the British nation, and face unappalled the unnatural combination which is gathered around us, the struggle, under the blessing of Divine Providence, will prove successful and glorious to Great Britain:—And finally to assure his majesty, that in this awful and momentous contest, we confidently rely upon the firmness of his majesty, who has no cause but that of his people; and that his majesty may reciprocally rely on the constancy and the affectionate support of his faithful commons."

into

this intimation, it perhaps could not be laid on the table of the house, nor perhaps ought to be so. If ministers were in possession in July of the information alone, which has since been publickly disclosed, they would have failed in their duty had they not acted as they had done. He hoped that no greater difference of opinion would exist on this subject in the house, than what existed throughout the country at large. If, however, his majesty's ministers should be attacked upon it, they would be well able to defend themselves. Of this he was convinced, and he was willing to admit it, that had the gentlemen opposite remained in power, they would have done no such thing. A similar attempt had been made by France on Portugal, but the frankness of the court of Lisbon, and its determination neither to lend its aid to the confederacy against Great Britain, nor to abandon British persons and property to the possession of the French, entitled it to the confidence of his majesty's government, and justified that government in pursuing a different line of conduct from that adopted in the case of Denmark. Adverting to the Russian Declaration, the hon. gent. contended, that a character very foreign from that of Russia marked the composition, not only in the sort of arguments adduced, but in the peculiarities of the style, which, if not French manufacture, was the most happy imitation of it that he had ever seen. Had the Russian manifesto appeared without a title, no one could have hesitated to ascribe it to the same pen as that by which the defence of it in the Moniteur had been produced.~The relative situation of this country, and America might afford ample room for remark, but the subject was of such at delicate nature that he should abstain from enlarging upon it at present. The magnanimity of his majesty in offering reparation for injury, was most praise worthy. He trusted that the Americans would see that it was not their true policy to unite themselves to France. The exception made in their favour in the British Orders of Council would, he hoped, be felt by them; an exception, of the propriety of which he somewhat doubted, disposed as he was to bestow on those orders his general and decided approbation. The project of excluding us from the continent was now trying; the trial would require on our part great constancy, great exertions, and great sacrifices. Of the result, there could be no apprehension. They had enjoyed the

Mr. Charles Ellis rose to second the address. Seldom, he said, had so many important events been crowded together in such a short space of time, as that which had intervened since the close of the last session. These had been stated so comprehensively in the speech from the throne, that it was unnecessary for him to enter any enumeration of them. The vigilance with which his majesty's ministers had watched the projects of the enemy, and the energy with which they had defeated those projects, had been amply manifested. With respect to the design entertained by France, of compelling Denmark to join the confederacy against Great Britain, his majesty had declared, that he had previous intimation; which subsequent events corroborated. As to the nature of

satisfaction of hearing from the throne of the stability of the resources, and the flourishing state of the commerce of the country. In the moral character of our government and of our people, in the wisdom and energy of the one, in the bravery and unanimity of the other, we possessed complete assurance of success in the contest in which we were engaged. If he dwelt more on the necessity of war, than on the more popular topic of the possibility of peace, it was not because he estimated too lightly the blessings of peace, but because he dreaded the effects of a hasty and premature one. We had ample means of carrying on war. In our navy we had not only the most efficient defence, but a greater power of active hostility than perhaps we were yet ourselves aware of. By exerting our naval force in every possible direction, we might show the enemy that a predominant navy gives a power scarcely inferior to that of a conquering army; we might controul the haughty mind of the ruler of France, and inspire him with that respect for this country, which alone would insure permanent tranquillity.

Lord Milton did not rise to oppose the address, but to express his regret that when Russia offered her good offices as a mediator, his majesty's ministers had not thought fit to accept them. He could not be suspected of any disposition at this moment to encourage a division of opinion on the subject of peace or war, after recent occurrences of considerable publicity, in which he had taken a decided part. To the opinion which he then expressed, he still adhered. He conceived it much better to repress any clamour on the subject until it should be ascertained what steps had been taken by his majesty's ministers for the restoration of peace. At the same time, when he heard flourishing descriptions of the state of the country and of its commerce, he could not avoid remarking, that had the persons who made those assertions attended more to the subject, they would have abstained from them. Locked up as we were from the continent, closed as every market was to our manufactures, how was it possible that our commerce could thrive or be in a flourishing condition? He owned that he had hoped to have heard some assurance from his majesty's ministers, that they were anxious for the restoration of peace; and that they were ready to embrace an opportunity of negociation, from whatever quarter it

ha

might proceed. No such assurances been given. On the contrary, his majesty speech breathed a warlike spirit, declarin that we were ready to act with hostilit not only against France but against th whole world. A great deal had been sai on the attack of Copenhagen. It ha been asserted, that the house and th country must give full credit to his ma jesty's ministers for the motives by which they had been actuated. He would say that to attack a neutral country as W attacked Copenhagen was, prima facie, unjustifiable. It might be justifiable; bu he repeated that, prima facie, it was no

So.

For his part, he could not see the probability that Denmark would have sided with France had we not attacked her. It seemed to him more likely that she would have resisted France. The summer had been an eventful one. We had gone to war with Denmark; we had gone to war with Russia; Austria had recalled her ambassador; the Orders of Council and other transactions would probably produce a rupture with America; and yet, under such circumstances, the house were to be amused with fine declamations on the extent of our resources, and on the progressive encrease of our commerce. Undoubtedly, after the necessary papers had been laid on the table would be the more proper time for discussing these subjects; but he could not refrain from thus publicly recording his regret, that his majesty's speech contained no assurances of a disposition to restore peace, at a time when the whole body of the manufacturers of the kingdom were experiencing such severe calamities.

Mr. George Ponsonby observed, that his majesty's speech contained such a variety of topics, that it was difficult to express an opinion upon it. Had the usual course prevailed in this instance; had the substance of the speech been known to the public for two or three days before the delivery of it, this difficulty would have been much lessened. Not only did the speech embrace a great variety of topics, but it was the longest speech, he believed, that was ever read from the chair. It required, therefore, the utmost circumspection in speaking of it, to prevent the expression of ideas not exactly conceived. The first object of the speech as it concerned this country, related to peace or war with France, and the other powers of the continent. It was impossible for him to give a direct opinion of the negotiation

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