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or sixteen hulks, but had excited an inex- , speech which had not been touched upon tinguishable hatred in the breasts of the by his right hon. friend, that he thought Danes, and given the whole maritime po- deserving of notice, namely, the credit pulation of that country to France. It was taken by ministers for the emigration of urged, that the attack was made in order the court of Lisbon. This was an event to prevent Denmark from joining France ; which he believed might in time be benebut had it not shut us out from that coun ficial to his country, but that ministers had try, and thrown its whole resources into any credit for the arrangements made for the arms of France ? Ministers asserted that purpose, he could not see any ground that they had some information of the de- to admit

. The hon. gent. must be aware, signs of Denmark, which they kept back, that the prince of Brazils had a short but which justified their conduct. From time before his departure from Lisbon, his heart he believed they had none, but issued a proclamation for shutting his ports if they had, they owed it to the house to against this country, and uniting with the produce it. The hon. gent. under the continent to procure a maritime peace. gallery (Mr. Milnes) had asserted, that the It was not until the appearance of an articollection of the Danish army on the cle in the Moniteur, declaring that the frontiers of Holstein was a proof of the house of Braganza had ceased to reign, that understanding between the court of Copen- the prince determined to emigrate, and lord hagen and the courts of Russia and France. Strangford, after having quitted Lisbon, But if Denmark had leagued with Russia for the first time met the prince on his and France, was it not more likely that voyage. With all his admiration of the she would have collected her army in Zea- | talents of the noble mover of the address, land to resist the attack of the power against and of the hon. gent. who had just sat whom she had formed a connection? Upon down, he could not concur in the princithis point they had assertion against asser- ples they had that night laid down.' They tion, and he had no hesitation in saying, were very young men, and might live to that he believed the assertion of the prince witness the advantages this country, if it royal of Denmark in preference to that of should survive the vigour of the present his majesty's ministers; and here he must ministers, would derive from the emigraexpress his regret, that the noble lord who tion of that prince to the Brazils; for his had moved the address, should have given part he was satisfied he should never live way to an insulting taunt upon that gallant to see it, for he did not expect such sudden prince. If his courage had not been al- effects from the bare emigration of the ready tried, if he had not steadily perse court. On this score he thought the mivered in the principles upon which he had nisters had no merit, and were intitled to professed to act during the present war, no approbation. With respect to the atand shewn that in his country's defence tack upon Denmark, they had, in his opihe was insensible to personal fear, such nion, great demerit, because that attack observations might have been well timed. was cruel and unjust without any necesHe could not but remark here, upon the sity, and if he thought that the address language in general applied to powers who would pledge-him to any approbation of had been in alliance with us, and were it, he would not fear to take the sense of afterwards compelled to side with our ene the house upon it. It was with concern, he my. The emperor of Russia had not made observed, that there was no allusion whatpeace with France from a feeling of des- ever in the speech to a prospect of peace. pondency, but from hard necessity, simi- Gentlemen were in possession of his sentiiar to that which led to the peace of ments upon the subject of peace, and he Presburgh. He was sorry that the hon. was free to repeat, that in the negociation gent. had alluded to any consequences which had taken place lately with France, that might result from the effect of the that object was lost, not because France Treaty of Tilsit upon the people of Russia. was always wrong, but because England He had seen, with regret, similar allusions was frequently wrong, and that many opsome time since in the publie prints, and portunities of effecting peace had been he mentioned the circumstance then, only lost. The time would come, when the doto shew his reprobation of that practice. cuments respecting the discussions with Much more might be said on the subject the courts of Russia and Vienna would be of the Danish expedition, but he should produced. He should say, however, in the reserve what he had

say till another op mean time, that, if ministers would yield portunity. There was one point in the to common sense and prudence, a peace

further on either of those topics at present; | awake to the exigencies, that they required but he would observe, that he had no no speeches or petitions to tell them that doubt on his mind, but that the conduct privations must be numerous, and the pres-of both those powers had been actuated sure deplorably severe. He hoped ministers and guided by the predominant and over wanted not to be told that peace had fewer bearing influence of Buonaparte, who calamities than'war.' And, in vindication would not suffer any power on the conti- of that part of the country with which he nent to continue at peace and amity with was locally connected, he would say, that us; and therefore he thought ministers if the noble lord (Milton) supposed that were no ways culpable on account of the that public voice was meant only to exrecent conduct of those governments. He press the existence of misfortunes which all then adverted to the dispute with America, in part felt, he was sure he was right; if he and hoped that the good sense of the mo meant to say that it was connected with derate and thinking people in that coun any political opinion whatever, as sure try would so far influence its government, was he that he was wrong.

Under these as that matters might still be brought to a impressions, he should give his unqualified fair and reasonable accommodation. His support to the Address. majesty's present ministers had on their part Mr. Whitbread, whatever might have shewn every

desire to do away every cause been his disposition not to trouble the of complaint as far as they could, without house with any observations on the present making a sacrifice of our most important occasion, could not remain silent after the rights. Mr. M. then went into the various speech of the hon. gent. who had just sat questions of Russia, Portugal, and Den-down. However he might respect the mark. These were the various topics, which talents of that hon. member, and the disarose out of the Address; they with him be- cernment with which he applied those spoke individuallythe prudence and activity talents in commenting on the eloquence of of ministers, and presented in the aggregate those who had preceded him, he could a prospect the most satisfactory. What not agree with him in his observation, might be the issue of these our endeavours, imputing a defect of sagacity to his right whether peace or war, he could not say; hon. friend (Mr. Ponsonby), than whom if war, we had the hope of similar success; no man possessed that faculty in a more if peace, the consciousness that we had eminent degree. Neither the hon. gent. earned it. That peace, of which they had with all his talents, nor all the concentrated that night heard so much, he would entrust talents of Europe, could overturn the to the hands of ministers. They would on eternal principles of justice which his right the one hand perceive and estimate, what hon. friend had asserted. The hon. gent. the sincerest lover of peace must adınit to had quoted a passage from Vattel, in jusbe discouraging ; that peace, in its most tification of the expedition to Copenhagen; flattering aspect, would be little more than but this passage would not apply to the a suspension of hostilities, and that no defence of a measure so cruel and unjust formal act of government could root out in its principles, and which he feared rancour and stifle jealousy ; and if there would prove so baneful in its consequences fore we did return the sword, that our to this country. He agreed with his right hand must never quit the hilt, and above hon. friend, that it was possible it might all, feeling that Bonaparte would in his be justified, and he hoped he would follow terms wish to question our maritime su up the notice he had given for papers to premacy, a patrimony entailed upon us, ascertain that point. The hon. member and therefore not matter of negociation, who had seconded the address, and for they would judge how far a peace was whom he entertained a high respect, had proinising under such appearances. He talked of the private morality of the repeated it, that were Bonaparte to abdi- nation; but he wondered that hon. gent. cate his throne, and depose all his minion did not blush for the right hon. gentlemen princes, were he to restore to France her below him, when making that observation. legal government, and to Europe the ba- Had this country, which had been so long lance of power, they would not in his mind calling upon the Living God in defence be equivalent for the sacrifice of our com of morality and social order, now at length mand at sea, or justify ministers in disho found out that its conduct was wrong, and nouring this unattainted title, by which we that Bonaparte, who had been all that time style ourselves Englishmen. On the other worshipping Baal, was right? By the hånd, he trusted that ministers were fully attack upon Denmark we had gained fifteen

in the late negotiation. As to Austria, could make out a full justification, though she had never assigned any cause for her he thought it right to state before hand hostility to this country, and this fact that no force should extort from them would appear from the documents to be the secret source of their intelligence. If produced.--With respect to the motion of any doubts could be entertained of the which the right hon. gent. had given no designs of Bonaparte, thus far he could tell tice, for papers relative to the expedition the hon. gentlemen, that the communicato Copenhagen, it was very possible he tions from the Portuguese government remight move for some information which lạted as well to the Danish as to the Pormight safely be produced. But if he tuguese navy.

What had happened in should, for the purpose of removing, as he Portugal was sufficient to convince every represented it, the foulest stain that ever fair thinking man of the truth of the inforattached to the annals of any nation, mation respecting Denmark, and the wismove for the secret information upon dom of the steps taken upon that inforwhich that expedition was undertaken, as mation. In taking those steps, the present far as his judgment went, he believed he ministers had the example of their predewould never have ocular conviction. The cessors before them. It was only necessary right hon. gent. was at a loss to ima- to apply to Denmark the principle they gine why this secret intelligence was not had applied to Portugal, to threaten and published. But he would assure that coerce secret enemies, or at least suspiright hon. gent. that as the fact now stood, cious neutrals, instead of old and faithful and as it would be made out in argument, allies. The same cause that prevented ministers would trust to it for their justifi- parliament from possessing similar inforcation, and never expose the source of mation respecting most of the other projects their secret intelligence. If this subject of the late ministers, prevented it from was again to be brought into discussion, possessing the documents respecting the he begged to state, that he would prove expedition of earl St. Vincent to Lisbon, the measure not to have been unprece- namely the failure of the plan. The traces dented, and though the conduct of his however were to be found in the Foreign majesty's ministers might be held up in a Office. The instructions were the same, few speeches in that house to the execra- but the issue was different.—With respect tion of the country, they would run than to the late proceedings at Lisbon, it was risk and incur that penalty, rather than necessary for the country to know, that the suffer the secret to be torn from their court of Lisbon always made an unreserved bosoms. But, was this the moment when communication to his majesty's represensuch documents were to be called for? tatives, of the full extent of the demands Was it possible, at a time when there was of France, as well as of the extent to no capital on the continent where the which it was disposed to comply with those power of Bonaparte could not drag the demands, rather than proceed to the last offender against him to execution; when extremity; and of the point beyond which there was no British accredited agent in it would refuse compliance, let the refusal any country of Europe, was it possible, be accompanied with what risk it might. that such a time should be fixed on for di. These communications were accompanied vulging the sources of secret intelligence with an assurance, that in no case should Was this country to say to the agents, the persons of British subjects, or their who served it from fidelity, or froin less property, be injured or violated. Under worthy motives, you shall serve us but those circumstances his majesty's govern. once, and your life shall be the forfeit? ment thought it right to allow some latiHe should contend, as his hon. friends had tude for obtaining by negociation, and pardone, that the arrangements at Tilsit, and ticularly by shewing the vigorous deterthe measures which ensued, without any mination of Great Britain, the forbearance document, fully justified the measures of of France. Even though some doubt government. He should be glad to might have been entertained of the staknow what motives could be ascribed bility of the good faith of Portugal, it to his majesty's ministers for acting seemed better to run all risks ; and the as they had done, if not from the con issue had justified the determination. With viction of the necessity of the case. He respect to sending an army to defend Porcould easily conceive a factious motive for tugal, we had the assurance of a most able imputing to them an intentional delusion officer, that no army Great Britain could of the public, but he was confident he send would be adequate to that object, and.

the presence of such an army was depre- the fleet was of course to be looked for, cated by the prince Regent, as tending to and then the confidence in Denmark would precipitate his ruin. A secret treaty, signed have been commented on as weak and imbein Oct. last, bound the Portuguese govern- cile as the confidence in Portugal was said to ment not to admit a French garrison into be at present. It was strange that this the Portuguese forts, and to protect the proceeding with respect to Copenhagen persons and properties of English subjects. was objected to by the very men who adThis treaty was faithfully executed on the vised the occupation of Madeira without part of Portugal. It was a fact, that a the consent of the Portuguese government French force had entered Portugal, and in the year 1801. That measure was had advanced some way before the fact viewed with as much indignation by the was made known to the head of the Portu- Portuguese government then, as the seizguese government; and this was at the ure of the Danish fleet was now by the moment when the known presence of such court of Denmark. Certainly, the repuga force on the frontiers, and a promise that nance was as much justified on principle; it would forbear to enter, had induced the but the Portuguese government itself had prince Regent to shut the ports against the since recognized the justice and propriety English, and to seize the small remains of of the proceeding; for Portugal herself British property that were to be found. could not have preserved the Island from This proceeding called forth some degree falling into the hands of France — With of hostile retaliation on our part, which respect to the points of mediation and was abandoned as soon as the discovery of peace, he had no objection to discuss those the actual invasion of Portugal by the also at the present moment. Though French led the Portuguese government to there was reason after the Treaty of Tilsit, see that its only chance of safety was in for this country to entertain a more hosthe alliance and under the protection of tile policy towards Russia, every thing Great Britain. The advantage of this that friendship and conciliation could dicconduct was felt in the emigration of the tate was done to the last moment, when Portuguese government, in perfect friend- the hostile Declaration came with as much ship and alliance with Great Britain, to the surprize upon Petersburgh as it did upon Brazils, and yesterday, more immediately, London. So it was also with respect to on the arrival of the dispatches announcing Austria. No complaint, no remonstrance, the surrender of Madeira to this country. no discussion had preceded the recal of There was, certainly, reason to believe that the ambassador of that power; not there was treachery in some part of the even so much as a notice : so it was also Portuguese government, and to that part with respect to the recal of the Prussian must be attributed the occasional preva- Ambassador ; and here he felt himself lence of French interest, and the conceal- called upon to contradict an insinuation ment of the advance of part of the French in the Moniteur, which charged baron army, at a time when assurances were given Jacobi with giving to the court of Lonthat it would not pass the frontiers.--It don the secret information respecting was remarkable, that while the application the proceedings of the French government of force at Copenhagen was condemned by in Prussia, when the fact was, that this inthe gentlemen opposite, the non-appli- formation came from a British minister. cation of it at Lisbon was censured no less With respect to the late supposed negotiseverely ; but so it would have been if the ation for peace, no tangible overture had force had been applied at Lisbon, and ne been made by the French, or the Austrian gotiation at Copenhagen. Censure would government. Prince Stahremberg, with have still followed the force and the nego- that generosity of character for which he tiation. Copenhagen, then, would have was so distinguished, had made an offer been lost by foolish confidence, and Portu- of his personal services to institute and gal outraged by unprincipled and impolitic establish a pacific intercourse. But that violence. A French army could not have was not the mode of negociation which reached Lisbon in less than five or six could be satisfaciory to a country like weeks ; but a French army was on the this. The gentlemen at the other side very frontier of Holstein, ready to over sneered, as if they knew more than he did run that province, and to enter Zealand on this subject. There had been a period immediately after. The Danish army was within his memory, when the minister of not in a condition to resist; the compro a party had braved the king's minister in mise of shutting the ports and surrendering a foreign court [alluding to Mr. Adair's

Vol. X.

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conduct at St. Petersburgh, during Mr. powers of the continent to oppress us, the Pitt's first administration), but he hoped effect was but to increase our strength and such an instance would never occur again, energy, and to make us triumph under and he would not advise any one to try it. oppression. He had thought it right to The expedition to Constantinople had been say thus much now, in explanation of the instituted at the recommendation of Rus- grounds he meant

go upon when the sia, as a diversion which, it was said, must several questions should come to be more be successful, if accompanied with troops. particularly discussed hereafter. No troops were sent, and it was unsuc Lord Henry Petty said, that whatever cessful. There being no object for the merit as to style, the speech ascribed to further continuance of hostilily, a negoci- his majesty might possess, it wanted the ation for peace with the Porte was com- more vulgar but more important merit of menced, in conjonction with Russia, and a full statement of facts. It was a singular the Treaty was far advanced when Russia instance to be in a state of war with a broke off from us, to negociate under the power against which there were no docuinfluence of France, and thus induced the ments to prove an hostile act. The only Porte to break off the negociation with reason stated for refusing information was, as.—With respect to the only remaining that those who had communicated the inindependent state, namely, Sweden, it was telligence might be thereby injured. But, our duty to invigorate, inspire, and sup- all the mischief that could be occasioned port it, rather than to excite doubt and de- by this had been done already, for mispondency. He should say more on this nisters had in a public Declaration stated, subject in a few days, when he should pro- that they had intelligence as to the secret bably have to bring down a message from articles of the Treaty of Tilsit. It was his majesty, calling on the house to make extraordinary in those who had, about a provision for subsidiary engagements which year and a half ago, exposed the ministers were about to be concluded with the king of different courts to animadversion, by of Sweden, and which would be commu their communications, to be so scrupulous nicated to the house of course.--With re on this point. With regard to the expespect to the differences with America, it dition to Lisbon sent out by the late mihad been thought right, frankly and volun- nisters, it was curious enough to hear it tarily to disavow the unauthorised act of said, that it had failed, merely because its hostility towards the Chesapeake. The object had been attained witħout the vioprovocation the officer who had committed lence employed against Denmark. If lord that act had received, went far to excuse St. Vincent had proceeded as ministers had him: but the right of searching ships of done, where would now have been their war had never been acted upon long or to golden dream as to the Brazils ? He wished any extent, and in later times it had not for no better parallel than the instructions been acted upon at all. It was, therefore, which had been given to lord St. Vincent, thought right to abandon this unfounded compared with those given to lord Cathpretension unequivocally; but in doing cart, and he wished the right hon. secretary so, his majesty's ministers were determined would move for them. Me contended that not to concede a point of what the strict the principles of right and wrong were to and established right of Great Britain, and be considered in politics as well as in phithe

usage of nations justified, and required losophy, and on these they must reason the British government to support. With generally till a particular case was made respect to the late Orders of Council, re It became those, who checked petitaliating the restrictions of the French go tions for peace, to take care that no opporvernment upon our commerce, he main tunity of negotiation should be let slip, tained our right to go as far as France, merely on points of form. We ought to and that it was only by making France examine with jealousy into the subsidiary feel the effects of her own injustice, that connection with Sweden. He agreed in we could hope to bring her to more rea- the propriety of keeping the affair of the sonable conduct. The vigour of the British Chesapeake distinct from other points, and navy when put forth wili a determination in the necessity of maintaining our essenwhich the moderate spirit of the govern tial rights; but we ought, at the same ment had hitherto restrained, would prove time, to guard against unnecessary irritaequal to cope with the power that France tion, and to beware of being led away by had established on the land. It would ap the name of vigour, so as to inflict a severe pear, that if France combined all the blow on our own commerce. The noble


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