tween England, Austria, and Russia, executed on the 11th of April 1805, the era of the last disastrous 'coalition against France, which is signed by lord G. L. Gower; that article designates the object of the league, and what it is proposed to carry into effect by the concert against France, namely, "The evacuation of the country of Hanover, and of the north of Germany; The establishment of the independence of the republics of Holland and Switzerland; The re-establishment of the king of Sardinia in Piedmont, with as large an augmentation of territory as circumstances will admit; The future security of the kingdom of Naples, and the complete evacuation of Italy (the island Elba included) by the French forces; The establishment of an order of things in Europe, which may effectually guarantee the independence of the different states, and present a solid barrier against future usurpations."The last article is a generality upon which we need not dwell, but I think no man in his senses could have had in contemplation the accomplishment of any of the former articles, which are specific, without at the same time contemplating the entire demolition of the power of the French empire. Therefore, Sir, I am much surprised to find the expression I have quoted in the letter of the noble lord; and I do not think that with truth and justice it can be said, that the sole purpose of the war made by England has been the obtaining a secure and permanent peace. If it had, the war might have been concluded long ago. Indeed it need never have been undertaken. This letter of my lord Granville Leveson is followed by a note from gen. Budberg to his excellency, dated at Tilsit on the 30th of June. [p. 111,] I beg the house to remark that this correspondence began only eight days after the battle of Friedland; and that the letter from which I am now about to quote was written by gen. Budberg, several days before the treaty of Tilsit was signed. This letter contains several reproaches against England for tardiness and want of co-operation in the war. As I have before said, I will put aside for the present, any consideration of the justice or injustice of those complaints; but one cannot help observing, that these complaints urged on the part of the emperor of Russia, in the moment of irritation and disappointment, even if ill-founded, were excusable, and on the other hand their having been made, is no proof of their being true, Sir, ministers by the manner in which

they have publicly expressed themselves in their declarations, and also in this house, would have you conceive that the offer of mediation resulted from the treaty of Tilsit alone, when in point of fact the first offer of mediation was made in this note of gen. Budberg, before the treaty of Tilsit had been executed, and not only before the treaty had been executed, but so many days before that event, and so short a time after the signature of the armistice, as to make it impossible that all those plans which are attributed to Russia and France, of a concert for the purpose of annoying England, could have been entered into. When this offer was first made it was unclogged with the offensive limitation of time, upon which so much stress has been laid The offer is conceived in these remarkable words: "The Emperor my master offers his mediation to his Britannic Majesty, to make his peace with France; having a certainty that it will be accepted by the latter power." [p. 113.] What could be more strikingly amicable on the part of Russia than such an offer at such a moment, and conceived in such terms? When the fate of his own empire was at stake; after so complete a defeat, after having evinced his fidelity by rejecting all counsel which had been given him by the most experienced officers of his army, previous to the battle of Friedland, to enter into negotiations with the enemy; deaf to their representations, that his army was not in a situation to fight new battles; listening only to the call of honour, and alive only to the sentiments of fidelity to his ally! When his hopes were blasted, when he was reduced to the necessity of making a peace, which nothing but necessity could have extorted from him! in the hour of his anguish he thought upon England, and his first consideration was how he should be able to serve her by negociation, having ineffectually tried his strength to the utmost in the contests of the field. His first conversation with Buonaparte appears to have been directed to the welfare of England, and in the very first moments after the arrival of the king's ambassador, he makes him an offer of mediation. Not accompanied, as has been falsely stated, with the expression of his belief, that France would accept that offer of mediation also; but having obtained a certain knowledge of the acquiescence of the French emperor.What ought to have been the conduct of my Lord Granville Leveson at that moment? Do I presume to say that he ought at once

and without consulting his court, to have accepted the offer of mediation? That, certainly would not have been prudent on his part. But I think he might have so conducted himself, and might have given such an answer, as would have paved the way, either to the acceptance of the mediation afterwards; or to the possibility of opening a direct communication with France, if the situation of Russia after her signing the treaty, should have been found such as to render the acceptance of her offer of mediation inexpedient. The next paper which we find is a note from Mr. Alopeus, [p. 113. the accredited minister from the court of St. Petersburg, to Mr. Secretary Canning, dated London, the 1st of Aug. 1807, in which Mr. Alopeus offers the mediation of Russia, in a formal manner; and upon the ground of the thirteeenth article of the treaty of Tilsit. Here again I beg to remark, that the offer of Mr. Alopeus, is not accompanied with any communication of the limitation respecting time. The 13th article of the treaty of Tilsit, is alluded to but not communicated in the note: and the presumption is, that for whatever reason a limitation of time might have been acceded to by the Emperor of Russia, in the treaty itself, he wished not to offend England, by accompanying his offer of mediation with the declaration that such mediation must be accepted or rejected within a given period. In point of fact Lord Granville Leveson well knew, and the king's ministers, through him, also knew, that the Emperor of Russia intended to pass by that limitation of time altogether.-Sir, the offer of mediation by Mr. Alopens is conceived in the most friendly, the most explicit, and the most satisfactory terms-he declares that the Emperor of Russia is convinced of the disposition of his Britannic Majesty towards peace, that in many conversations held with the Emperor of the French, the Emperor of Russia had had reason to be convinced personally, that the Emperor of the French was sincerely desirous of the re-establishment of a maritime peace, upon equitable and honourable principles; and he not only offers his interposition for the attainment of so desirable an end; but he voluntarily promises the support of all the forces of his empire, for insuring the performance of all the stipulations of peace, when once it shall have taken place between France and England: he goes on to say, that by this guaranty his Britannic - majesty will obtain that which he has ever appeared to

desire; and may without distrust follow the bent of his humane and pacific sentiments.--Here, Sir, again it may be said, and perhaps justly, that the offer of mediation, even accompanied with the guarantee, in itself so desirable, could not have been accepted without some explanations from the emperor of Russia; but those explanations might have been asked in such a manner, as to have left it open to you, either to have accepted the mediation immediately, or failing that mediation to have opened a direct communication with France. Instead of this, a cold, formal, and repulsive note is returned by Mr. Canning demonstrating no confidence in Russia, and no disposition to peace. It begins with the usual technical phraseology; and with the common expressions of a desire of the restoration of a geueral peace: boasting the ample proofs of the disposition to peace recently afforded by the accession of the king to the convention of Bartenstein, [p. 114.] Sir, I had it in contemplation at one time, to have moved for the production of the convention of Bartenstein, but I apprehended, and indeed I had heard that this convention was never carried into execution, and therefore it could not have been laid upon the table of the House of Commons. But I should have been glad to have seen it, and I fear it would have evinced any thing rather than a sincere disposition to the restoration of a general peace: because, if I am not much misinformed, it contained a renewal of those chimerical projects which even in the most distressing times, and under the most unpropitious circumstances, have been entered into for the diminution of the French power; and the restoration of peace is by a desperate policy deferred till after the accomplishment of objects, which none but madmen would contemplate as possible.— Sir, (after this preamble,) Mr. sec. Canning declares to Mr. Alopeus that it is impossible to return a more specific answer to the note presented by him than this, [p. 115.] "that his majesty waits with the utmost solicitude for the communications of the articles of the treaty concluded at Tilsit, and for the statement of those equitable and honourable principles upon which his imperial maj. expresses his belief, that France is desirous of concluding a peace with G. Britain." Sir, the formal demand of the communication of the articles of the treaty of Tilsit, appears to me to have been unnecessary, because in the event of the acceptance of the mediation; or even with

out the acceptance of the mediation, the articles of the treaty of Tilsit would certainly have been made known to the king. A statement of the equitable and honourable principles upon which his imperial maj. expresses his belief that France was desirous of concluding a peace with G. Britain, was not only unnecessary but repulsive. What explanation could be given of equitable and honourable principles? the words equity and honor carry with them their own ineaning, and admit of no explanation. I think, therefore, that the whole of the demand, made by the Secretary for foreign affairs of Mr. Alopeus, previous to his giving a more specific answer on the subject of the negotiation, was conceived, not in the spirit of confidence or conciliation towards Russia, which if you had any, the most remote intention of eventually accepting her offer of mediation ought to have been manifested, but in the spirit of distrust and cavil, inconsistent with the fidelity she had displayed towards you. The expression of Mr. Alopeus was, that the emperor of Russia," had had reason to be convinced that the emperor of the French was sincerely desirous of the re-establishment of a maritime peace;" [p. 113.] the expression of gen. de Budberg was, that he was certain that the emperor of the French would accept of the mediation of Russia; and this was artfully interpreted into a mere expression of belief for the purpose of the more readily escaping from the offer of mediation.—Sir, before I proceed to the second part of the papers which have been laid before us, it may be necessary to say some words upon the character of a mediator. We have been told that strict impartiality is necessary to that character, but it may be permitted to ask what, at the outset, do you mean by impartiality? It is not, I presume, that you would be stoically severe, and really be displeased that there should be a leaning in the mind of the mediator towards yourself? All that you would require would be, that there should be no bias in his mind towards your enemy; but it is necessary to make allow ances, and there must be a distinction drawn between those feelings upon which partiality is founded, and that combination of circumstances which may lead to actions directly contrary to the line of conduct to which the affections of the mind would point. Now Russia had manifested to the latest moment her sincere friendship to wards this country. If I am correct in my

reasoning, after the overthrow of her greatness she still displayed her affection towards you, by thinking of your welfare, at the time of her bitterest misfortunes. True it is that she had entered into engagements with France, which might be inconsistent with your interest, but those engagements, imposed by force, were not calculated to extinguish the feelings of affection towards this country, by which she had been ever actuated. On the contrary, they must have rather conduced to augment and heighten them, and therefore (as I should say) she would have been a most partial mediator, so far as her disposition went, for this country-in the common acceptation of the word she was a mediator possessing strict impartiality, and on that account could not be rejected. Moreover, supposing she were not impartially disposed at the period of her making the offer of mediation, by what means could she be rendered impartial? If therefore you could not accept the emperor of Russia as an impartial mediator at that time, and under all the circumstances of the case, why not end the matter at once, in terms of decorum and civility ?-The second set of papers begins with a dispatch from lord Granville Leveson to the secretary of state, dated the 2d of Sept. 1807. [p. 195.]. His lordship informs Mr. Canning that he had held a conference with gen. Budberg, who was already apprised of the answer given by the secretary of state to Mr. Alopeus of the conditional acceptance by the court of London of the proffered mediation of Russia. Sir, I beg leave to remark that no conditions had been specifically stated in Mr. Canning's note to Mr. Alopeus, upon which conditions the court of London would accept the mediation of Russia. Mr. Canning said, that his maj. was waiting with solicitude for the communication of the articles of the treaty of Tilsit, and the statement of those equitable and honourable principles upon which France was desirous of concluding a peace; but he no where states the conditions upon which England would accept the mediation of Russia; and it is lord Granville Levison himself, who in this note for the first time states those conditions. In the conference with gen. Budberg he tells the general, that he is instructed in the first instance to request the communication of the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit; and a frank declaration of the general views and intentions of the court of Petersburgh. Upon

that England would make peace; as he was sure that it was his interest and also that of Europe, and our interest that we should restore tranquillity to the world." Lord Hutchinson answered to his imperial majesty," that he had not given sufficient time for England to accept or reject his mediation, because a much longer period than a month must elapse before any answer could be received, and though the disposition of his mind inclined towards peace, neither he nor any other man would accept it but on conditions the most reasonable and honourable: and that as far as England was concerned the events of the war had been highly favourable;" to which his imperial majesty replied "that the time allowed was of no importance: because we might take three or four months if we pleased to accept or reject his mediation; but his anxious wish and desire was that we should make peace. That he had a perfect knowledge of the feelings and character of the people of England; that he had been made acquainted by Buonaparte with the conditions of peace intended to be offered; and, he had no doubt but lord Hutchinson himself would consider them highly reasonable and honourable." [p.351.] Now, sir, with a knowledge of this conversation, held by a person of unsullied honour, and the greatest talents, a man respected by all Europe; and justly in the confidence of the emperor of Russia, both on account of his high military achievements, and his indisputed integrity; who had been deputed by the preceding administration as the accredited minister to the court of Prussia, and had attended the Russian armies in the latter part of their disastrous campaign; whose communication with the emperor, if lord Granville Levison had not expressly desired, he had unequivocally concurred in-with a perfect knowledge, I say, of all these facts and circumstances, how came my lord Granville Leveson to dwell so much and with such serious importance upon a point which he must have known to have been entirely waved; it was throwing an ill-timed obstacle in the way of the acceptance of the mediation, it was irritating to the emperor who had expressed himself so satisfactorily upon the subject, and it was undignified as laying that stress upon a comparatively trivial circumstance which was due only to matters of real and essential moment. Further, lord Granville Levison not only states conditions without which the mediation VOL. X.

cannot be accepted; but he desires preliminary marks of good will on the part of Russia, and particularly the renewal of the treaty of commerce; than which surely, no request could be more unreasonable. The treaty of commerce had expired, and frequent attempts had been made by the last administration to obtain the renewal of it, all of them unsuccessful, even during the time of warlike co-operations. Was it then a reasonable thing to ask such a mark' of good will on the part of Russia at such a moment? and was it not rather, adding to the existing difficulties, and creating disgust in the mind of Russia when it ought to have been our object to sooth, to conciliate, and to appear almost implicitly to confide? Gen. Budberg answered, "that there did exist secret articles in the treaty of Tilsit," and then comes an expression in the letter of a very equivocal nature, "there were some, he said, which in no way concerned the interests of England." [p. 196] Sir, I am bound to suppose that lord Granville Levison received an equivocal answer from gen. Budberg, because he has expressed himself in an equivocal manner. As no suspicion however of intentional duplicity seems to have arisen in the mind of lord Granville Levison to the prejudice of gen, Budberg during this conference, or at least none is expressed, I conclude that there were no secret articles in the treaty of Tilsit, which in the estimation of gen. Budberg, had any relation to England whatever. I should do so the rather after having read the following senteuce, in which gen. Budberg says, "that he could assure lord Granville Levison, and as an honest man he would not say it, if it were not truth, that there existed no secret article whatever which stipulated the shutting the Russian ports against the British commerce."[p. 196] Lord Granville Levison however, having found it impossible to consider the answer given by gen. Budberg as sufficiently satisfactory to authorise him to accept the Rus→ sian mediation, gen. Budberg said he would request the permission of the emperor to communicate without reserve the secret articles of the treaty between Russia and France; and to be empowered to continue negotiations, and conclude a treaty of commerce with G. Britain. [p. 197.] So far it appears that the Russian minister conducted himself with perfect moderation; and, without doubt, if the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit had been in his opinion prejudicial to England, gen. Budberg would 3 G