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ministry, and the general body of the insurgents, instead of co-ope rating with the invading forces, sent to Paris to confirm the pacification into which they had lately entered with the Directory.' We abstain from observations on this remarkable passage,

have the more room for subsequent extracts. M. de Puisaye gives this sketch of the landing of the expedition :

• In order to secure our landing not a match was lighted, and we disembarked as if on a friendly shore. The scene which followed exceeds description. Tears flowed from many an eye which had long ceased to shed them; the enthusiasm between the troops and the inhabitants was carried to the greatest height; and had Hoche's army been near, the Republic would not have survived that day. The good people of Morbihan ran to us from all parts, bringing in their beasts and carriages loaded with provisions, and hailing us as their deliverers. The money which was tendered to them in exchange they rejected with scorn. Old men, women, and children, were seen up to their knees in sand dragging the cannon. The men swam to boats, in order to convey on shore the arms, ammunition, and clothing; they contended who should bear the heaviest burthens ; the soldiers were infected with the patriotic phrenzy of the people; and the whole coast resounded with Long Live our Religion, Long Live our King !

It is certainly very difficult to believe what is constantly reiterated in these pages, that the insurgents refused to unite with M. de Puisaye in consequence of express orders from the King of France to remain quiet ; and he says that, at that particular time, nothing but the concurrence of the authors of the subversion of the throne, with its victims, could have saved the tottering Republic. Pursuing this subject, he observes,

of all the phænomena which have astonished this age, the most remarkable is that there should be found a set of men, sottish enough to pretend to direct an armed force, in the las bours and dangers of which they did not share, and criminal enough to wish to see an end put to their hopes, rather than endure the chagrin of not being able to appropriate to themselves exclusively the advantages of success.

• Presumptuous in proportion to their folly, they have fastened on the French Princes like those insects which fix themselves in the iesh, feeding on the prey of which they weaken the force and de vour the substaace. Enemies of the glory and destroyers of the in. terests of their masters, in all that can give any umbrage to their ambition and cupidity, the evil which they most dreaded was lest men, who were distinguished by great services, should obtain that share in the confidence of their masters which they themselves had usurped : all their efforts were directed to ward off this calamity : but what arms are they capable of wielding, except those of defamation and low intrigue?'

With these followers of the Princes, the author contrasts the honest enthusiastic insurgents :

They did not write : but they exposed their lives and all that was most dear to them at every moment of the day. Isolated from the rest of mankind, and confined to their blood-stained soil, which was become the last asylum of religion, of honour, and of fic delity, they relied on their actions to transmit their fame. Little did they suspect that their conduct was the subject of detraction among any except the enemies of the King; and had they been apo prized of the fact as it stood, they were too much employed to refute calumnies which were as contemptible as their authors. They were placed between two parties: the one inveterate against them because they were the sole obstacle to the career of the Revolution ; the other interested in their ruin, because they might stand in the way of ambition without courage and without talents. Not a line has been published with regard to them which has not been dictated by hatred and envy.'

M. de Puisaye congratulates himself on being the only aua thor who has done justice to these people : but we wish that he had appeared more disinterested in the execution of his undertaking, and that he had not encumbered his narrative with an endless detail of trivial matters with respect to his own affairs.

In conformity to an idea strongly impressed by the whole turn of this voluminous work, the author says:

• It was not by the efforts of the open enemics of the King of France, that an end was put to my exertions, which had been continued for six years of a painful and hazardous struggle, but by the intrigues and baseness of his false friends. My object was the restoration of the monarchy, but of the monarchy purged of the abuses which had been the primary and principal cause of the crisis which we were undergoing. The mode of doing this was to repress the factions by uniting to the King the immense majority of the nation. Had I not been the enemy of those abuses from reason, from honour, and from principle, I ought to have been such from policy.'

These reflections on abuses are very creditable to M. de Puisaye, and we wish that other great functionaries saw them in the same light.

We have not room to enter into a critical examination of the tragical and bloody conclusion of this expedition to Quiberon : nor have we the means of ascertaining the merits of the dife' ferent accounts. M. de Puisaye makes appeals and refers to authorities which are respectable : but where the truth lies we cannot determine, till his relation shall have undergone examination by some competent and impartial person, who was an eye-witness of the dismal scene.


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To the account here given of the zeal and courage of our brave sailors, in rescuing the forlorn royalists from the hands of their relentless enemies, we can allot full credit. (These British officers,' says M. de Puisaye, whom the most execrable ingratitude has charged with rejoicing in the loss of those of the French navy, landed under the very fire of the enemy, with an intrepidity which the desire of rescuing their fellow-men from death could alone inspire. The captains themselves conducted their boats, and, amid showers of musket-balls and grape-shot, disputed with each other who should save the most victims. Captain Keates particularly distinguished himself on this occasion. He went and returned to the shore five or six times, and each time he brought as many of the unhappy beings as his boat would contain. Five or six hundred victims were thus snatched from the fangs of their destroyers.'

The impression which these volumes leave on the mind with respect to the weakness and incapacity of the Bourbon Princes, and the abominable intrigues and cabals with which they are beset, render every hope as to their restoration wild and preposterous. Besides this result, those who have the requisite patience to read through the work will pick up much loose and desultory information with respect to revolutionary France ; and indeed no one, who would inform himself of the height to which the war of the Vendée once attained, should omit to give it a perusal.

ART. VIII. Réfutation d'un Libelle, &c. ; i. c. Refutation of a

Defamatory Libel promulgated by M. Beziade d'Avaray, under the Title of “ a Report to His Most Christian Majesty, published with his Permission, followed by an Answer to the Count Juseph de Puisaye." 8vo. Pp. 88. Budd. 1809. THIS 'His is a reply from M. de Puisaye to a pamphlet that pro

fesses to answer the volume of which we have just given an account. As we have not seen M. d'Avaray's perforniance, we can give no opinion on the matters in dispute between the parties : but M. de Puisaye states that his opponent having for the last 20 years precluded the access of truth to his royal master, whom he has deceived and outraged, he (M. de P.) has no other means of chastising his insolence, than that of exposing his conduct to public view.' – The endeavour of M. Bertrand de Molleville to reconcile these furious combatants heightens the good opinion which every thing that we have seena ci that respectable person has impressed on our minds; and the


testimony which he bears in favour of M. de Puisaye will incline many to think well of that gentleman, who, like ourselves, are incapable of deciding on controversies that are connected with so many vile intrigues.

The Count de Puisaye accuses M.d'Avaray of having prevented a counter-revolution in France by circulating high royalist inax. ims, such as “ si veut le roi, si veut la loi. Le roi pardonnera, mais les Parlemens feront justice *;" and those miserable beings, he says, look elsewhere than to their own bad faith, and the abuse which they have made of the King's name and confidence, for the causes which have barred against him the avenue to the throne, and which have perpetuated the sufferings and privations of his followers. He gives passages from the letters of agents in the service of the French Princes, de. claratory of the opinions which they entertained of the British niinistry and the English nation, at the time when the latter were actually engaged in supporting their cause. These agents are said to have acted from the instructions and under the directions of M. d'Avaray.

“ Pitt only seeks to complete the ruin of France, and not to restore the Bourbon family.” " Pitt only makes a mockery of the Princes.

A civil war will prolong the Revolution, and the vengeance of Pitt.”

“ Such are the atrocities of the English, that it is necessary to be on our guard against them.”

The same agents say that they rejoiced that “ they had inspired the Chouans and Vendéans with a distrust of the English.”

Charette wrote to the royal council that “ Puisaye and the English should have nothing to do in Brittany."

M. de Puisaye transmitted by respectable hands very important memorials to Louis XVIII. at Blankenburgh: but the bearers of his communications wrote to him that, having ascertained the dispositions and biasses of the council, they did not hesitate to suppress many things in his notes and his fast memorial of demands ; because, say they, “ we are satisfied: that, if we had not, we should have been sent back without having been heard.”

Can this monarch not see with his own eyes into the few matters that press on his attention; or at least has not the sad . state of his affairs convinced him-of the necessity of employing the most able and faithful among his adherents ? wonder at the hopeless situation to which he has been reduced?

Can we

*" What the King wills the law wills; the King will pardon, but the Parliamenta will punish.”


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The imbecility of the Bourbons, we must repeat, seems to have been a more serious obstacle to any change in their favour, than the power and good-fortune of their opponents. To us it appears to indicate extreme want of wisdom in the councils of the unhappy Prince, that he allowed the work to be made public to which the tract before us is an answer. These pages, and the volumes of M. de Puisaye, shew that, strange as it may sound, the Court of Louis XVIII. has been scarcely less the scene of intrigues and cabals, than those of powerful existing governments.

Art. IX. Caledonia : or, an Account, Historical and Topograpic,

of North Britain ; from the most ancient to the present Times: with a Dictionary of Places, Chorographical and Philological. In Four Volumes. 'By George Chalmers, F.R.S. and S.A. Vol. I.

4to. PP. 907. 31. 35. Boards. Cadell and Davies. THE the public are here presented with a monument of the

indefatigable industry of Mr. Chalmers ; few writers have appeared in the vast field of general and national antiquities with bolder pretensions; and if numerous quotations, endless references, and intrepid decisions, are indications of eminence, we should be warranted to infer that not many have preceded him in this line to whom he is inferior. Whatever his readers may think, he seems to be fully persuaded that his present efforts and researches have been attended with extraordinary success ; and he is himself confident that he has ascertained who were the aborigines of Caledonia, by evidence which comes near to demonstration :' as well as that, without appealing to doubtful authorities, he has traced the Roman transactions in North Britain, and has illustrated the obscure histories of the Picts and Scots from such satisfactory documents as convey moral certainties. Should it be alleged that all this has been already done, and that he has only adopted and fortified conclusions which had been previously drawn, it would perhaps be difficult for him to obviate the remark, because the proof of it may be deduced from his own admissions ; yet if in this respect we cannot allow him any great share of originality, we do not deny that the points for which he contends are plausibly urged, well reasoned, and backed by a host of authorities.

While justice, however, will be generally rendered to the Jaborious writer with respect to this part of his work, many readers will complain that so great a portion of this massy volume is devoted to facts and investigations which are al


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