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subject of the influence obtained by Swift in national affairs. Whether an accurate and impartial inquiry would leave that distinguished man in possession of all the compliments which in his life-time were so profusely applied to his political conduct, we shall not offer any opinion, till the opportunity shall present itself of examining Mr. Craufurd's intended work on this question.

The editor assumes credit, however, for speaking the truth in some particulars with more distinctness than any English writer could possibly be bold enough to manifest. fesses also to have adopted many observations from M. de St. Lambert, whose posthumous works contain an essay on the life and the works of Lord Bolingbroke, composed in 1753 at the request of Lord Cornbury, who furnished some materials, but did not live to revise the work.

• This was the more necessary (says he) because it supplied much that is not to be found in any history of England; and indeed such a history of that epoch, at which the house of Brunswick.Hanover came to the throne, remains still to be written. Many events then occurred, of which the impartial recital could be neither agreeable nor flattering to the new dynasty ; and this probably is the rçason that has prevented them from being hitherto reported by English writers. It is certain that Hume himself found it less inconvenient to leave his history of England unfinished, than to continue it under shackles and with concealments, which would have spoiled the value and the character of the work. Smollet has been less delicate ; yet all that he relatcs from the year 1714, if not altered, is at least mutilated. As we are under no necessity of observing similar caution, we have neglected nothing that could develope the facts with clearness and impartiality; confining ourselves always within the limits prescribed by our subject.' Thus says General GRIMOARD:

but we were not aware that Hume declined to complete his history of England for the reason above given ; nor could we have supposed that Smollet would be accused of altering, or garbling, any facts that were unfavourable to the Whigs and the House of Hanover, who are thus libelled with the imputation of suppressing historical truth by the hand of power. We shall translate the few facts related in this historical essay, which belong to the particular matter in question; not less for their own curiosity, than with the specific purpose of shewing that the liberty of the English press is not liable to the restraints supposed by this subject of Napoleon.

In describing the intrigues employed by the Whigs and the ambassadors of the allied powers to defeat the negotiations, that ended in the peace of Utrecht, the conduct of the Hanoverian minister is thus introduced :

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Bothmar, flattering himself no doubt with the hope of better success than Gallasch and Buy's had experienced, by the influence which the name of his master, the presumptive heir to the throne of Great Britain after Anne, might possess over the English, presented a memorial on the 8th of December to dissuade the Queen from treating with Louis XIV. and with Spain. This step was perhaps also dictated by the fear of an agreement between the courts of London and Versailles to exclude from the crown the Elector, whom, Anne never loved, and to procure ii, by the assistance of the Tories, for the Pretender James the Third, then taking refuge in France : a plan which the Hanoverians expected to render more difficult by these means, and by continuing closely united with the Whigs, whom they regarded as their principal supporters, in consequence of their known aversion to the catholic branch of the Stuarts. Not withstanding an act of the English parliament, which secured the crown to the Elector, that prince was not ignorant that he had enemies in his future kingdom; and that, in spite of the antiquity of the House of Brunswick, the grandecs of England respected it so little, that many of them said that they should feel it hard to reconcile themselves to seeing a truly royal line replaced by a family of German burghers, whom it wouid be necessary to enrich. Perhaps also the Elector apprehended that the English, much attached to legal forms, might have conceived a bad opinion of his character, in consequence of an act of real tyranny. The report of an intrigue of gallantry between his wife and a Count de Konigsmarck had made him resolve to throw the Count into a burning furnace, to confine the lady in a fortressę, and afterward to treat with great harshness the electoral prince, whom he did not believe to be his son. These several motives in.' Huenced the conduct of George-Louis, who attached himself to the different parties which promised the most support to his pretensions to the crown of England.'

We shall here only observe that the facts recited in the above paragraph rest on the authority of Secret Memoirs of the Duchess of Hanover, published in 1732, in London, (a bad proof of the prohibition said to be imposed on the press by the princes of the House of Brunswick,) and that they are all reported at large by the English historians Belsham and Coxe, confirmed in some respects by the statement of Mr. Wraxall. It is also here. added in a note that those memoirs were attributed to the Baron de Poelnitz, a Prussian; and that Frederic-William the First, King of Prussia, who detested George the Second, probably took delight in giving circulation to a book by which the legitimacy of the English King was called in question.

In a subsequent passage, after having asserted that all the English historians have been afraid to publish what might displease the reigning family, and that we should be reduced to. conjecture as to the wrongs committed by the Earl of Oxford against the Queen, if they were not clearly explained in the ,

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memoirs of the Duke de Berwick,' the editor proceeds to state, from those memoirs, the secret negotiation which was carried on between the Earl of Oxford, when Lord High Treasurer, and the Pretender, who was long lured by false hopes of being restored to the succession on the death of his sister, by the intrigues of that close and crafty minister. « But first,” said Harley, by the mouth of Abbé Gaultier, his organ on this occasion, « let us subdue our common enemies the Whigs, let us confirm our popularity by establishing a permanent peace, and then by degrees we may safely expel from all the offices of state every man whom we cannot trust with this weighty secret.” The Pretender instructed all the Jacobites to give an entire support to the ministry, who triumphed over their domestic enemies, and negotiated a treaty with France : but, when he looked for the reward of his confidence, and urged the declining health of Anne as a reason for taking immediate and decisive measures towards a repeal of the Act of Settlement, it was found that Oxford's relation, then an Envoy at the court of Hanover, had made his peace with the parliamentary successor to the throne.

These details, of which all the material parts are to be found stated with equal particularity in the works of our own historians, appear to M. GRIMOARD to throw considerable light on the only part of Lord Boling broke's history which now stands much in need of illustration ;-we mean the nature and causes of his violent dissensions with Lord Oxford, and of the Queen's sudden resolution to raise Boling broke to supreme power, on the ruin of the Treasurer. He is evidently of opinion that Anne had permitted and encouraged Oxford's mysterious dealings with her brother; and that her chagrin, on discovering the treachery of that minister, (denounced to her, as he also supposes, by Bolingbroke,) not only dissolved the existing administration, but suddenly put an end to her life. He even goes so far as to intimate a suspicion that Her Majesty's death was not occasioned, according to a commori report, by the intemperate use of strong liquors, but by poison administered, we presume, by Oxford, who was

at that particular time the only person interested in removing her. He dwells at length on the presumptive proofs in favour of his hypothesis, mentions the reported last words of the Queen, “My dear brother, how I pity you !”-and describes the disappointment of Bolingbroke; from whom the Treasurer's statt, which he had expected, was wrested by the Duke of Shrews bury, in the last moments of the expiring Queen. He then adduces some new facts in support of his statement :

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“ The author of this Historical Essay has derived a part of these details on the disgrace of the Earl of Oxford and the death of Anne, (which agree, in all essential points, with the relation of Smollet, in his History of England,) from Mrs. Lucy Elstob, of Yorkshire, the widow of David Mallet, Esquire, Lord Bolingbroke's friend, and the editor of his works. She declared that she had often beard bis Lordship make the recital, and that on one occasion he added with cmotion : " This unfortunate Queen was a model of virtue, the best offspring of the miserable house of Stuart, and the sovereign who least of :ill deserved to be so basely betrayed." These words have great weight in the mouth of Bolingbroke, whose honour is so generally acknowleged, that the most furious of his enemies have never attacked his veracity ; he would not, then, have taxed the Earl of Oxford with treachery, if he had felt the least doubt on that subject; and perhaps he knew even more than he mentioned, whether he declined to explain himself fart her from a conviction of the inutility or from a sense of the danger of such a disclosure. It is certain that, to the last moment of his life, he never ceased to execrate the memory of Oxford ; whom he accused of fraud, of baseness, of having ruined the Tories, and of being the origin of all the treachery which the Queen experienced; for it is no longer possible to doubt that the Queen, having confided too much in Lord Oxford, intrusted him with the care of opening the way to the throne, after her, to her brother James the Third ; and that, at the very time of his pretending to concur in this measure, he revealed the secret of his benefactress to the Elector, and to the Duke of Marlborough, who was more able and more interested than any other person to defeat the project. At least it was not without powerful motives that the Duke suddenly quitted Aix la-Chapelle, and landed at Dover on the very day of the Queen's death."

It would have been of infinite importance here to distinguish with accuracy those parts of the statement, which were communicated by Boling broke to Mrs. Mallet; and the absence of such a distinction leaves our knowlege of the transaction very much in the same state in which it was before. That the Queen considered herself as cruelly used by Oxford is proved by various testimonies, but most strongly perhaps by a letter written at that crisis by Lady Masham to Swift, and published among the Dean's works, betraying the extreme agitation of her mind, and her own as well as her mistress's violent indignation against the discarded Treasurer. By what collision of circumstances that tempest of anger was excited, we still confess our ignorance : but when we consider the general disclosures produced by the unexampled political convulsions and personal animosities of the time, we find it impossible to persuade ourselves that the facts here attempted to be inferred should be left to mere inference. If Bolingbroke had been privy to the secret of Oxford's double treachery in his

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intrigues with the Pretender and the Elector of Hanover; would not the fact have been published at the time of his own engagements with the Pretender? or could it have been buried in total darkness during the remaining forty years of his turbulent life? or is it credible that no trace of it should have been discoverable among his posthumous papers? In a word, could any consideration have restrained his impetuous and resentful spirit from denouncing such base duplicity in the conduct of his detested rival, to the immortal execration of all posterity ?

In writing to Swift and his other friends, Bolingbroke constantly inveighs against the personal hostility of Oxford cowards himself, and the low maneuvres to which that nobleman stooped, for the purpose of undermining him in the favour of his royal mistress : but towards her we recollect no charge of treachery.' What sense, then, must be assigned to che language imputed to him by Mrs. Mallet ? We must frankly own our doubt of the correctness of that Lady's report, and our suspicion that she may have unintentionally committed some mistake in relation to the sentiments expressed by him. We cannot conceive that he would have said so much without saying a great deal more, nor that he would have lamented her being betrayed in general terms, without detailing the facts which established the treachery.-On the whole, we see no reason for departing from the conclusion drawn by Mr. Belsham, that Lord Oxford corresponded with the Pretender merely to secure for his ministry the support of the Jacobite party, and that Bolingbroke was kept in ignorance of the negotiation. We entertain indeed considerable doubt whether the Queen herself was privy to it, and deem it not improbable that her partiality to her brother had never assun:ed the shape of any definite project : but that some unexpected discovery, (as possibly by an intercepted letter,) that her prime minister had been at the same time deceiving the brother whom she loved, and courting her parliamentary successor whom she hated, alienated her affection and confidence from him, and sealed his disgrace. It is not unlikely that such a discovery, if made, would be concealed from Bolingbroke, who was at that time adverse to the Pretender's interest. But this is all conjecture, and as such we offer it.

That Mrs. Mallet was not quite a correct reporter may also be inferred from another passage in this essay. The writer says that he was formerly acquainted with her, and that she died about fifteen years ago at the age of eighty, adding ; This lady, equally distinguished by good sense and informanon, had lived in strict intimacy with Bolingbroke, Swift,

Pope,

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