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of public conduct to which Lord Holland had steadily adhered through life, and which he had anxiously laboured to cultivate in his son, as the readiest and surest course to power, emolument, and honours. Some respect was undoubtedly due from Mr Fox to the opinions and partialities of a parent, who had treated him with such ynbounded indulgence and affection, and to whom he was attached by so many endearing and irresistible obligations Could he, in whose heart all the charities of human nature were closely interwoven, and whose disposition, to the last moments of bis life, retained all the gen:leness, benignity, and kindness, of infantine feeling, without any mixture of the moroseness of philosophy, or the arrogance of superior attainments, be censured that he halted between the stern dictates of public duty and the tenderer, but not less powerful, claims of filial gratitude ?

• The demise of Lord Holland, which happened in the summer of 1774, released Mr. Fox from the embarrassment here alluded to, and left hin at full liberty to pursue the enlightened conclusions of his own judgment. Accordingly, he withdrew himself from the mercenary herd of ministerial adherents, and threw all the weight of his great talents into the scale of opposition.'

We now come to the period at which Mr. Fox commenced his operations in that field of political warfare, in which he was destined so long to continue, so brilliantly to shine, and so unsuccessfully to combat. Mr. Fell thus relates the opening of the campaign :

• His first opposition to the court measures was on the subject of the Boston port bill, and the disfranchisement of the colony of Massachusets bay, which came under the consideration of parliament in the spring of 1774, in consequence of the open resistance which the inhabitants of Boston had made to the invidious tea-duty. Even at this early stage of this unhappy contest, his enlightened mind foresaw the evils that were likely to result from it; and with prophetic sagacity he predicted, that the measures which administration were pursving would prove, in the event, more sanguinary than the proscriptions of Syila, and could terminate only in the slaughter of their fellow subj-ets and the ruin of their country.

• From this period Mr. Fox took an active share in all the debates and proceedings of the American war; ably and eloquently advocating the rights of the oppressed colonists; and exposing with intui. tive discernment the blunders and mistakes of administration The band of illustrious patriots whom he joined in opposing the despotic measures of the court were at first few 10 number, but strong in talents, integrity and reputation in the Upper House they could boase of the sopport of the Earl of Chatham, who, though sinking under the weight of years and infirmities, exerted himselt with all the energy of youth in defence of the sacred principles of liberty and hun anity; by the side of this venerable statesman were to be found the Marquis of Rockingham, a nobleinan adorned with every private and public virtue ; Lord Camden, a name never to be mentioned but with respect and gratitude ; the Dukes of Grafton and Portland, Lord Shel. REV. Sapr. 1809.

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burne, and other peers of independent character and sound political principles. In the House of Commons the foremost ranks in the opposition were occupied by Mr. Burke, Colonel Barré, and Mr. Dunning, men very different in their powers, but all endowed with exquisite talents: in Horid declamation, or what may be called the pictu. resque of cloquence, Mr. Burke surpassed Mr. Fox, but in close, un sophisticated argument Mr. Fox was greatly his superiour ; Colonel Barré excelled in repartee, his eloquence was feeling and pathetic, and occasionally aspired to grandeur of sentiment; and Mr. Dunning was a profound and logical reasoner, who thought and argued with an enlargement of mind rarely to be met with in men of his profession ; but neither of these orators possessed that comprehen. šiveness of intellect which distinguished Mr. Fox, and led him to predict almost literally the ruinous consequences which ensued from the pernicious measures he opposed.'

On the occasion of the subsequent desertion of several of those who, in the spring of 1780, had joined the popular cause, the author states that Mr. Fox pronounced one of the most keen and pointed philippics that was ever heard in the walls of the House of Commons.'

* No calls to order, nor any other means, could either check the torrent of his eloquence or restrain the bitterness of his invective.

A tergiversation so grossly flagrant and unexpected roused his ut. most indignation. Be declared the vote of that night to be scandalous, disgraceful, and treacherous. He did not apply these charges to the gentlemen, who had, along with the minister, opposed the resolutions of the 6th of April. These gentlemen acted an open, consistent, and a manly part, in opposing the address proposed on the present day. They had differed from him; be was sorry for it; but he could not blame them, because they differed from him upon principle.

• But who could contemplate, he said, without a mixture of the greatest surprize and indignation, the conduct of another set of men in that house those who had resolved that the influence of the crown was increased, and ought to be diminished; that the grievances of the people ought to be redressed ; who pledged themselves 'to that house, to the nation, to their constituents, to each other, and to themselves, that it was their duty to redress the grievances com. plained of; and who had now shamefully fled from that solemn ene gagement

t?-Like the case of an individual, who engages to pay a sum of money, or incur a penalty, he insisted that they had solemnly entered into a bond, with the people of England, to withstand the encroachments of prerogative, and to destroy that enormous overgrown corruption which threatened the very existence of their liberties. — But, though they had thus pledged themselves to redress the grievances of the public, they were not, it seems, to be bound by lies The most sacred and forcible. Such a conduct was unaccountable to him on any other motives than those of the basest treachery.

No man, he said, held those who were habitually at the devotion of the minister in greater contempt than he did. They were slaves

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of the worst kind, because they sold their own liberty to effect the slavery of others. Yet base as the tenure of their places was, they still possessed the virtues of fidelity, gratitude, and consistency, nor added to their other demerits the absurdity and treachery of one day resolving an opinion to be true, and the next des çlaring it to be a falsehood. They had not deceived their patron, their friends, or their country, but had fairly adhered to their avowed sentiments. Th conduct, so far as it went, was entitled to his approbation. He could forgive the man whom he saw voting regularly with the minister, through thick and thin, on every question; he could view him in his servile state, the abject puppet of despotism, with sentiments of commiseration; be could excuse his cringing and bowing at the levee of the prince or the premier ; every creature knew best how to act in his own element; but when he witnessed men affecting the very principles at one time which they opposed at another, it filled him with horrour. His inmost thoughts revolted at such a shameless versatility of senti ment. It reduced politics to a mere science of loss and gain. It made the duty of representation a farce. It was an insult on the faith of the nation; and exhibited parliament to the world as acting without any regard to right or wrong.'

From this period, the writer observes, nothing remained to fix the political character of Mr. Fox :

• He was decidedly the most popular senator in the kingdom; not from a concurrence of fortuitous circumstances in his favour, like those which elevated Mr. Pitt, when distinguished as the great commoner, to such a height of popular applause, but from a conviction operating through the nation at large, that the public good was the paramount aim and end of his conduct. From the period of his quitting the court party, he had inflexibly proved himself, what a member of the House of Cominons ought to be, a vigilant guardian of the rights and liberties of the people: he cherished and watched over their interests with unceasing solicitude : he considered the great body of the people as radically invested by nature with all the majesty of authority and law, and that whatever militated against their happiness was contrary to the true end of government. Though obliged by national habits and legislative forms to act as a party.man, there was nothing of petty cabal, low-mindedness, or insigniticance in his system of opposition; it was directed to great interests and objects, and actuated by noble motives. The corruptions of the court had to allurements for him. He regarded himself, what about this time he began to be popularly designated, as the Man Of THE PEOPLE ; he had no feelings or interests separate from theirs ; and prosecuted to views of which their advantage was not the ultimate object.'.

Mr. Fell then proceeds to a sketch of Mr. Fox's private character at this æra; and it is fairly represented that the erroneous propensities of his early days continued to tarnish the lustre of his maturer years. The chances of the hazard-table, and the equally uncertain sports of Newmarket, had invincible

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attachments for that mind, which was so nobly calculated to judge of the fortunes of national war and the operations of a legislature; and a total mismanagement of his own pecuniary affairs lamentably distinguished him who could acutely detect the errors of the public financier. Warmly as Mr. Fell admires the political life of his hero, he is not blind to his errors as a man; and perhaps it is chiefly in a want of justice to Mr. Fox's adversaiks, that this author's prepossessions will be seen to have intrenched on his impartiality:

The latter parts of this volume are less interesting, but only as being more generally known, and fresher in every person's recollection. To enter into a detail of them, and to observe on them, would be highly gratifying to us, if our space and our other duties admitted. So much do the extracts from the speeches retain of the spirit and characteristics of this greatorator's effusions, that, if nothing more complete be likely to come before us, we should be glad to see them collected together under the superintendance of some one of his numerous intelligent friends. If we suffer the mass of civil and political wisdom, which they contain, to be lost through neglect, we shall stand convicted of the last degree of insensibility, and of extreme injustice towards posterity:

ART. VII. Sermons on several Subjects. By the late Rev. William

Paley, D. D. Subdean of Lincoln, Prebendary of St. Paul's, and Rector of Bishopwear mouth. 8vo. PP. 527.

Ios, 6d. Boards. Longman and Co. Co TOMPLAINTS are often made of the inefficacy of preaching,

without adverting to the chief cause of this failure. Man, as a moral and religious Being, frequently acts a very strange and inconsistent part; and it is extremely difficult to teach and manage him by exhortation. He assents without being touched, hears the serious preacher with declared satisfaction, but without correspondent feelings, and owns the importance of religious principle without being religious. With such a crcature, something more than the exhibition of general views must be attempted. The ordinary operations of the mind, as they affect the religious principle, must be minutely analyzed; and those sentiments and affections which lurk about the heart, and disincline us to the spiritual life, must be so detected and exposed to the inward monitor, as to baffle the arts of self deception, and make us ashamed of the farce which we are playing ' with our own souls. The discourses of Dr. Paley have this great aim. They are neither pretty nor fine compositions : but shey are plain and searching ; calculated to tear off the mask

with which we often veil ourselves to ourselves ; and to set every man on that close examination of his own mind, which is necessary to excite in the soul any activity in repelling sin, or in cultivating inward purity. With a perfect knowlege of the human heart, he developes those hidden springs of action, which, though they set in motion the whole moral machine, (if we may use the expression,) pass unobserved by the generality of mankind. Were we to ask men if they do not prefer the favour of God to his displeasure, and a state of happiness to a state of rejection in a future state ; whether virtue be not preferable to vice; and whether the who walketh uprightly" does not walk more surely than the sinner ; -- the answer would be uniformly in the affirmative :- but how little does that answer accord with the overwhelming immorality of the world? Here the contrariety, between the principles which we admit and the practice which we adopt, is a fair matter of exposure: but it requires no little management to make us consistent. Declamations against infidelity and irreligion have no effect on the hearers of sermons ; because addresses of this kind they cannot apply to themselves : nor are they more sensibly moved by calls to the unconverted, The probe must be particularly applied. The unbelief of the believing, the irreligion of the rcligious, and the immorality of the moral, must be scrutinized. Even by the majority of church-goers, Christianity is made to consist of a sort of accommodation, by which they mean to keep on favourablc terms both with God and Mammon,- to be good enough to cherish the hope of heaven, and yet not so good as to preclude all worldly conformity.

If any sermons can reach such puzzling cases, those of Dr. Paley may be expected to succeed. They appear not to have been intended by him for general circulation*; and in one respect they are better for this circumstance; since they are un

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The advertisement says, • The author of these sermonis, by a codicil to his will, declared as follows: "If my life had been continued, it was my intention to have printed at Sunderland a volume of sermons-about 500 copies ; to be distributed gratis in the parish ; and I had proceeded so far in the design as to have transcribed several sermons for that purpose, which are in a parcel by themselves. There is also a parcel from which I intended to make other transcripts; but the business is in an imperfect untinished state; the arrangement is not settled further than that I thought the sermon on Seriousness in Religion should come first, and then the doctrinal SerInons; there are also many repetitions in thein, and some that might be omitted or consolidated with others.” The codicil then goes on to direct, that, after such disposition should have been made

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