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one, and pieces of iron, weighed with the greatest exactnefs, put into it. When the experiment was tried with these variations, and allowance made for the water which escaped, the weight of inflammable air, added to the increase of the weight of the iron, was exactly equal to that of the water originally added.

This theory, he obferves, explains many important phonomena. Vegetables, nourished with water, breathe vital air; the inflammable part of the water is preserved, and gives colour and inflammability to the plant. We may add, that fickly vegetables are yellow, and these are exprefsly found to produce phlogisticated air. In burning fpirit of wine, it is obferved, that we can collect a greater quantity of water than we lofe of fpirit; that is, if two ounces of fpirit are burned, and half an ounce only remains, more than an ounce and half of watermay be collected. This water, our author thinks, arifes from the union of pure air, which ferves for the burning, united to the inflammable air of the fpirit. We may fuppofe then, that in the fpirituous fermentation of a folution of fugar in water, the vital air, one of the component parts of the water, uniting with the coaly matter (we should call it phlogistic) of the fugar, forms the fixed air, which iffues fo abundantly from the fermenting matter; while the inflammable air, with the fame principles, forms spirit. In fact, we find that spirit of wine in burning, and confequently combining with pure air, produces fixed air; a proof that it contains the fame fubftance which in the fugar contributed to form the fame acid."

We have given thefe experiments at fome length: though we think the conclufions highly probable, fomething is yet necef fary to be added. Some of the doubts, which might have arifen, are, we think, obviated by Mr. Watt and Mr. Cavendith's experiments; but fome remain. It is remarkable that this inflammable air appeared only when iron or zinc were employed; and as we procure this air from thefe metals in other experiments, it feems probable that it is rather furnished by the metals themselves than by the water. It may indeed be alleged that iron has greater attraction to vital air than any other metal, fince it extracts fome portion of this air from the atmo sphere; but we have no evidence of the fame power in zinc. If we reverse the language, we may allow that they have both a more powerful attraction for fixed air than any other perfect metal, and would confequently be more capable of decompofing water, if one of its component parts was fixed air; but, as in many inftances, the language rather than the facts differ, we may perhaps with fafety transfer the analogy. Manganefe has a more powerful attraction to fixed air than even iron; black lead probably still more. We think that experiments with thựíe subЯances might contribute to elucidate the fabject.

The hiftorian of the Royal Academy obferves, that M. La voifier's theory is not generally adopted; yet he adds, that few


chemical theories are founded on more fimple or more conclufive experiments. Light and heat, he obferves, seem to be neglected in the operation, and these are either combined with water, or feparated from the airs by combuftion; fo confequently we must either acknowlege that water is formed of these two fluids, minus the quantity of light and heat; or that each of thefe fluids is water joined with light and heat. But, as no experiments have been made on this fubject, he thinks the balance inclines towards M. Lavoifier.

As it is impoffible to finish this volume without extending our article too far, we fhall defer the remainder to a more convenient opportunity.

Memoires Hiftoriques, Politiques & Occonomiques, fur les Revolu tions Anglaifes dans l'Indoftan. Par J. A. Pallebot. Svo. Utrecht.


Ta time when we have fo many authors at home, who aim at degrading the rank, and leffening the confequence of our country, it is with great pleasure we find ourselves confidered as important by foreigners. M. Paillebot affures the public, that the English poffeffions in India are fufficient to change the politics of Europe, and earnestly invites all other nations to join together, and crufh the evil in the bud.' This author claims our attention on the subject of the affairs of India, from his long refidence in various parts of the country, and the knowlege which his rank and employments there muft neceffarily have procured. He profeffes to take things ab ovo,' but is not always original. In his account of the Bramins, he tranfcribes from Hollwell, whofe name he induftrioufly conceals, even in defcribing an event where he was a great fufferer, and mentioning a mausoleum which he built in confequence of it. The civil hiftory is taken from Orme, the Life of Nadir Shah, and other English authors: we can often difcover the particular paffages. In the narration of these events, with which the author may be fuppofed to be perfonally acquainted, he is very bitter against the English, and attributes much of our fuccefs to bribery; but if there be a crime in offering a bribe, there is furely a meannefs in accepting it.


After making proper allowances for the envy with which he beholds the profperity of the English in India, and the manifeft partiality in favour of his own countrymen, these Historical Memoirs may be read with great pleasure, and contain many important obfervations.-But we must take notice of fome abfurdities in his account of a late noble general. fhall extract the paffage. • Loaded with the fpoils of Afia, he returns to Europe, where, finding no farther fcope for his infernal Machiavelifm, his genius, recoiling on itself, foon becomes a prey to the avenging furies. His imagination, troubled by the reproaches of his confcience, fees nothing but maf.

maffacres, prifons, and fpectres. Eager to fly from them, to fly from himself, he goes from England to France, runs from France to Italy, returns to England, where the fight of the tragedy of Montezuma, reprefented at Bath, completes his horror, and renders the light of the day horrible. In this affecting profpect of the horrible cruelties committed in Ameaica by the Spaniards, who conquered it, he recognized his. actions and exploits in Afia. The imprecations of Montezuma on the stage seemed to strike him with curses in his box. He ftarts from it in terror, haftens precipitately to London, orders his carriage for a journey to France, and almost in the fame moment feizing a knife from his cabinet &c.'

Though we allow the force and pathos of this defcription, yet we must observe, that no tragedy of the name of Montezuma has been reprefented many years. That of Dryden has been long neglected. There was an opera of that name, but it could not be performed at Bath; and the artificial distress of an opera finger was never, we believe, fufficient to drive any man to defpair. If our author's information was not better on the affairs of India, much dependence cannot be placed on his ac


The following extract from his Profpectus is no improper fpecimen of his flyle and manner. Having allowed that the French were the first who aimed at a territorial revenue; that this alarmed the English, and produced the conteft which, after the wars in 1755 and 1762, ended in the enormous em pire established by us on the ruins of the Mogul, he proceeds:

This formidable Coloffus, from the bofom of Afia, threatens Europe, which, by a ftrange fafcination, feems to look on the vast mass with indifference. Is the reftlefs genius, which used to prefide over the balance of Europe, enchanted ?-or does it reckon the weight of Afia, in the hands of England, as of no confequence? What! the contefts for the poffeffion of a small province in Italy, Germany, or Flanders, have more than once raised a flame in Europe, which has trembled for its liberty, and cried out against the afpiring prince for his ambition to attain an univerfal monarchy and when England engroffes, one after another, the kingdoms of Afia, the nations of Europe, with a liftleffnefs unworthy of their dignity, leave their common rival to run his race, without an obftacle, when their ruin is the prize that it feeks, and which it is almost ready to feize. Shall an age, diftinguished by revolutions fo important, pafs away without our perceiving thofe events, which will render it an object of attention to the eyes of posterity?

Let us roufe, for it is time, and guard against the furprizes which England prepares, under the veil which the Spreads, with anxious concern, over ufurpations already com pleted, and others yet in agitation. It is this deceitful veil which I mean to tear in pieces. After having employed twen ty-eight years in Afia, obferving and oppofing the designs of VOL. LXI. Jan, 1786. F the

the English, I bring to Europe the information which I have acquired, and I hope to open its eyes to danger by a work intended to raife its difguft against the infatiable greediness of England. When America efcaped from her, fhe threw herself on Afia, and, if fhe had not been oppofed by France, would have obtained Indoftan, from which, however, I know the would have been completely expelled, if the war had continued two or three years more. Be it far from me to rekindle its flames! But if the love of peace, always fo defirable for the interefts of humanity, oppofes the application of violent remedies, which in the political conftitution, as well as the human, are fometimes alone capable of fuddenly restoring the equilibrium, let us at least employ thofe fecrets of art, which, acting more gently, and not lefs certainly, can by winding channels reftore the vigour of the conftitution without any inconvenient fhock: in a word, without troubling the repofe of Europe, let us profit by the divifions of Afia, which, judicioufly directed by our intrigues, will be fufficient to deftroy, in this part of the world, the conftruction of thofe chains, which the English are there forging for Europe.'

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We shall make no comments on the declaration which we have transcribed; it is a proof of the good intentions of fome of our neighbours. They ought to be made public, in order to be guarded againft; but, before this time, the effects have fufficiently explained the views and defigns of thofe appointed to conduct the machinations.




The Policy of the Tax upon Retailers confidered: or, a Plea in Favour of the Manufacturers. Svo. Is. 6d. Wilkie.


HE author of this pamphlet examines the tax upon retail ers in a new light, and endeavours to evince that it has a tendency to prove advantageous to the public. He begins with citing the authorities of political and commercial writers in fupport of the opinion, that in a populous and manufacturing country, retailers ought to be confidered as a detrimental clais of idlers; and confequently, that the reduction of their number, by fome judicious regulation, would operate towards promoting the national wealth and profperity. He is of opinion that retailers ought to be confidered as a detrimentral clafs of idlers in a double refpect: firft, as withdrawing their industry from the general flock, and fecondly, as deriving their fubfift ence not from foreign countries by means of trade, but from the induftry of their fellow-fubjects. Proceeding upon the fuppofition that there are in the whole kingdom two hundred


thousand retailers, and that one hundred thousand of them were, by a judicious tax, to be reduced to apply themselves to manual labour, they might, he thinks, be computed to gain a fhilling a day at an average, which, allowing three hundred working days in the year, amounts to the fum of one million five hundred thousand pounds. This, he obferves, would be a great addition to the annual national stock, or a real augmentation of the general wealth. But at prefent, the more they gain, it is fo much the worfe for the nation, as thofe gains are chiefly derived from their induftrious fellow-fubjects, who are confequently less able to fuftain other burdens.

For afcertaining the immenfe fums which are levied upon the people by retailers, he fuppofes the two hundred thoufand retailers to gain by their prefent bufinefs, at an average, two fhillings a day, and reckoning, as before, three hundred fhopdays in the year, this will annually amount to fix millions of pounds. But this medium profit being in his opinion computed far too low, he thinks that the annual fum levied by the retailers upon their fellow-fubjects, may be juftly eftimated at above ten millions. He is therefore of opinion, that the tax upon retailing fhop-keepers will be found to have the most falutary effect of any financial regulation introduced within these twenty years.

The author next ftarts a queftion, whether thefe pretended oppreffed retailers, as he calls them, are not themselves the oppreffors. He obferves, that though the nation at prefent enjoys profound peace, though the feas are now open, freights lowered, and infurance diminished, yet many articles in retailfhops are ftill fold at war prices.

Exorbitant as are the retailer's profits in London, according to the author's reprefentation, they are yet more enormous in the country-towns, where many retailers furnish a bad commodity at a higher price than a better commodity may be bought for in the capital, or in fome of the great cities. He thinks, that were the country fhopkeepers to deal fairly with their cuf tomers, they ought to furnish as good a commodity, and as cheap, as could be purchafed in the capital or elsewhere; making an allowance of a small advance for the additional charge of carriage; though this additional charge, he thinks, is more than counterbalanced by the lownefs of rents, and the cheapnefs of living in the country. The author, at what he confiders as a moderate computation, eftimates thefe overcharges of the retailers to exceed two millions of pounds annually; an effect which he imputes chiefly to the too great number of retailers throughout the kingdom. For he obferves, that where confumption is bounded, the fame profits that will afford a comfortable fubfiftence to one hundred thousand people, will not maintain two hundred thoufand.

The author afterwards confiders what would be the confequence, were the prefent number of retailers diminished one

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