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have put me like one of those that the Frenchmen call enfans perdus, that serve on foot before horsemen; so have you put me into matters of envy without place, or without strength; and I know at chess a pawn before the king is ever much played upon; a great many love me not, because they think I have been against my lord of Essex; and you love me not, because you know I have been for him; yet will I never repent me, that I have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both, without respect of cautions to myself; and therefore *ivus vidensque pereo: if I do break my neck, I shall do it in a manner as Master Dorington did it, which walked on the battlements of the church many days, and took a view and survey where he should fall. And so, madam, said I, I am not so simple but that I take a prospect of mine overthrow; only I thought I would tell you so much, that you may know that it was faith and not folly that brought me into it, and so I will pray for you." Upon which speeches of mine uttered with some passion, it is true her Majesty was exceedingly moved; and accumulated a number of kind and gracious words upon me, and willed me to rest upon this, Gratia mea sufficit, and a number of other sensible and tender words and demonstrations, such as more could not be; but as touching my lord of Essex, ne verbum quidem. Whereupon I departed, resting then determined to meddle no more in the matter; as that, that I saw would overthrow me, and not be able to do him any good. And thus I made mine own peace with mine own confidence at that time; and this was the last time I saw her Majesty before the eighth of February, which was the day of my lord of Essex his misfortune; after which time, for that I performed at the bar in my public service, your lordship knoweth, by the rules of duty, that I was to do it honestly, and without prevarication; but for any putting myself into it, I protest before God, I never moved either the queen, or any person living, concerning my being used in the service, either of evidence or examination : but it was merely laid upon me with the rest of my fellows. And for the time which passed, I mean between the arraignment and my lord's suffering, I well remember I was but once with the queen, at what time, though I durst not deal directly for my lord as things then stood, yet generally I did both commend her Majesty's mercy, terming it to her as an excellent balm that did continually distil from her sovereign hands, and made an excellent odour in the senses of her people; and not only so, but I took hardiness to extenuate, not the fact, for that I durst not, but the danger, telling her, that if some base or cruel-minded persons had entered into such an action, it might have caused much blood and combustion: but it appeared well, they were such as knew not how to play the malefactors; and some other words which I now omit. And as for the rest of the carriage of myself in that service, I have many honourable witnesses that can tell, that the next day after my lord's arraignment, by my diligence and information touching the quality and nature of the offenders, six of nine were stayed, which otherwise had been at
tainted, I bringing their lordships' letter for their stay, after the jury was sworn to pass upon them; so near it went: and how careful I was, and made it my part, that whosoever was in trouble about that matter, as soon as ever his case was sufficiently known and defined of, might not continue in restraint, but be set at liberty; and many other parts, which, I am well assured of, stood with the duty of an honest man. But indeed I will not deny for the case of Sir Thomas Smith of London, the queen demanding my opinion of it, I told her, I thought it was as hard as many of the rest. But what was the reason? Because at that time I had seen only hit accusation, and had never been present at any examination of his; and the matter so standing, I had been very untrue to my service, if I had not delivered that opinion. But afterwards upon a re-examination of some that charged him, who weakened their own testimony, and especially hearing himself viva voce, I went instantly to the queen, out of the soundness of my conscience, not regarding what opinion I had formerly delivered, and told her Majesty I was satisfied and resolved in my conscience, that for the reputation of the action, the plot was to countenance the action farther by him in respect of his place, than they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him. It is very true also, about that time her Majesty taking a liking of my pen, upon that which I formerly had done concerning the proceeding at York-house, and likewise upon some other declarations, which in former times by her appointment 1 put in writing, commanded me to pen that book, which was published for the better satisfaction of the w-orld; which I did, but so, as never secretary had more particular and express directions and instructions in every point how to guide my hand in it; and not only so, but after that I had made a first draught thereof, and propounded it to certain principal counsellors by her Majesty's appointment, it was perused, weighed, censured, altered, and made almost a new writing, according to their lordships' better consideration; wherein their lordships and myself both were as religious and curious of truth, as desirous of satisfaction: and myself indeed gave only words and form of style in pursuing their direction. And after it had passed their allowance, it was again exactly perused by the queen herself, and some alterations made again by her appointment: nay, and after it was set to print, the queen, who, as your lordship knoweth, as she was excellent in great matters, so she was exquisite in small, and noted that I could not forget my ancient respect to my lord of Essex, in terming him ever my lord of Essex, my lord of Essex, almost in every page of the book, which she thought not fit, but would have it made Essex, or the tale earl of Essex: whereupon of force it was printed de novo, and the first copies suppressed by her peremptory commandment.
And this, my good lord, to my farthest remembrance, is all that passed wherein I had part; which I have set down as near as I could in the very words and speeches that were used, not because they are worthy the repetition, I mean those of mine own; but to the end your lordship may lively and plainly discern between the face of truth, and a smooth tale; and the rather also, because in things that passed a good while since, the very words and phrases did sometimes bring to my remembrance the matters: wherein I report me to your honourable judgment, whether you do not see the traces of an honest man: and had I been as well believed either by the queen or by my lord, as I was well heard by them both, both my lord had been fortunate, and so had myself in his fortune.
To conclude therefore, I humbly pray your lordship to pardon me for troubling you with this long narration; and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion, till you know I have deserved, or find that I shall deserve the contrary ; and so ever I continue
At your Lordship's honourable commandments verv humbly,
A SPEECH IN PARLIAMENT,
39 OF ELIZABETH,
UPON THE MOTION OF SUBSIDY.
And please you, Mr. Speaker, I must consider the time which is spent; but yet so, as I must consider also the matter, which is great. This great cause was, at the first, so materially and weightily propounded; and after, in such sort persuaded and enforced; and by him that last spake, so much time taken, and yet to good purpose; as I shall speak at a great disadvantage: but because it hath been always used, and the mixture of this house doth so require it, that in causes of this nature there be some speech and opinion, as well from persons of generality, as by persons of authority, I will say somewhat, and not much: wherein it shall not be fit for me to enter into, or to insist upon secrets, either of her Majesty's coffers, or of her council; but my speech must be of a more vulgar nature.
I will not enter, Mr. Speaker, into a laudative speech of the high and singular benefits, which by her Majesty's most politic and happy government we receive, thereby to incite you to a retribution; partly because no breath of man can set them forth worthily; and partly because I know her Majesty in her magnanimity doth bestow her benefits like her freest patents, absque aliquo inde reddendo; not looking for any thing again, if it were in respect only of her particular, but love and loyalty. Neither will I now at this time put the case of this realm of England too precisely; how it standelh with the subject in point of payments to the crown: though I could make it appear by demonstration, what opinion soever be conceived, that never subjects were partakers of greater freedom and ease; and that whether you look abroad into other countries at this present time, or look back to former times in this our own country, we shall find an exceeding difference in matter of taxes; which now I reserve to mention; not so much in doubt to acquaint your ears with foreign strains, or to dig up the sepulchres of buried and forgotten impositions, which in this
case, as by way of comparison, it is necessary you understand; but because speech in the house is fit to persuade the general point, and particularly is more proper and seasonable for the committee: neither will I make any observations upon her Majesty's manner of expending and issuing treasure; being not upon excessive and exorbitant donatives; nor upon sumptuous and unnecessary triumphs, buildings, or like magnificence; but upon the preservation, protection, and honour of the realm: for I dare not scan upon her Majesty's actions, which it becometh me rather to admire in silence, than to gloss or discourse upon them, though with never so good a meaning. Sure I am that the treasure that cometh from you to her Majesty is but as a vapour which riseth from the earth, and gathereth into a cloud, and stayeth not there long; but upon the 8ame earth it falleth again: and what if some drops of this do fall upon France or Flanders? It is like a sweet odour of honour or reputation to our nation throughout the world. But I will only insist upon the natural and inviolate law of preservation.
It is a truth, Mr. Speaker, and a familiar truth, that safety and preservation is to be preferred before benefit or increase, inasmuch as those counsels which tend to preservation seem to be attended with necessity: whereas those deliberations which tend to benefit, seem only accompanied with persuasion. And it is ever gain and no loss, when at the foot of the account there remains the purchase of safety. The prints of this are every where to be found: the patient will ever part with some of his blood to save and clear the rest: the sea-faring man will, in a storm, cast over some of his goods to save and assure the rest: the husbandman will afford some foot of ground for his hedge and ditch, to fortify and defend the rest. Why, Mr. Speaker, the disputer will, if he be wise and cunning, grant somewhat that seemeth to make against him, because he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion, and the better maintain the rest. But this place advertiseth me not to handle the matter in a common place. I will not deliver unto you that which, upon a probatum est, hath wrought upon myself, knowing your affections to be like mine own. There hath fallen out, since the last parliament, four accidents or occurrents of state; things published and known to you all; by every one whereof it seemeth to me, in my vulgar understanding, that the danger of this realm is increased: which I speak not by way of apprehending fear, for I know I speak to English courages; but by way of pressing provision: for I do find, Mr. Speaker, that when kingdoms and states are entered into terms and resolutions of hostility one against the other; yet they are many times restrained from their attempts by four impediments:
The first is by this same aliud agere: when they have their hands full of other matters, which they have embraced, and serveth for a diversion of their hostile purposes.
The next is, when they want the commodity or opportunity of some places of near approach.
The third, when they have conceived an apprehension of the difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise, and that it is not prepared to their hand.
And the fourth is, when a state, through the age of the monarch, groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great peril and motion: and this dull humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns. Now if it please you to examine, whether by removing the impediments, in these four kinds, the danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents, as I said, fresh, and all dated since the last parliament.
Soon after the last parliament, you may be pleased to remember how the French king revolted from his religion; whereby every man of common understanding may infer, that the quarrel between France and Spain is more reconcilable, and a greater inclination of affairs to a peace than before: which supposed, it fnlloweth, Spain shall be more free to intend his malice against this realm.
Since the last parliament, it is also notorious in every man's knowledge and remembrance, that the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that avenue and place of approach for England, which was never in the hands of any king of Spain before; and that is Calais; which in true reason and consideration of estate of what value or service it is, I know not; but in common understanding, it is a knocking at our doors.
Since the last parliament also that ulcer of Ireland, which indeed brake forth before, hath run on and raged more; which cannot but be a great attractive to the ambition of the council of Spain, who by former experience know of how tough a complexion this realm of England is to be assailed; and therefore, as rheums and fluxes of humours, is like to resort to that part which is weak and distempered.
And lastly, it is famous now, and so will be many
ages hence, how by these two sea-journeys we have braved him, and objected him to scorn: so that no blood can be so frozen or mortified, but must needs take flames of revenge upon so mighty a disgrace.
So as this concurrence of occurrents, all since our last assembly, some to deliver and free our enemies, some to advance and bring him on his way, some to tempt and allure him, some to spur on and provoke him, cannot but threaten an increase of our peril in great proportion.
Lastly, Mr. Speaker, I will but reduce to the memory of this house one other argument, for ample and large providing and supplying treasure: and this it is:
I see men do with great alacrity and spirit proceed when they have obtained a course they long wished for and were restrained from. Myself can remember both in this honourable assembly, and in all other places of this realm, how forward and affectionate men were to have an invasive war. Then we would say, a defensive war was like eating and consuming interest, and needs we would be adventurers and assailants; "Habes quod tota mente petisri:" shall we not now make it good? especially when we have tasted so prosperous fruit of our desires.
The first of these expeditions invasive was achieved with great felicity, ravished a strong and famous port in the lap and bosom of their high countries; brought them to such despair as they fired themselves and their Indian fleet in sacrifice, as a good odour and incense unto God for the great and barbarous cruelties which they have committed upon the poor Indians, whither that fleet was sailing; disordered their reckonings so, as the next news we heard of was nothing but protesting of bills and breaking credit.
The second journey was with notable resolution borne up against weather and all difficulties: and besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge, sure I am it was like a Tartar's or Parthian's bow, which shooteth backward, and had a most strong and violent effect and operation both in France and Flanders; so that our neighbours and confederates have reaped the harvest of it; and while the life-blood of Spain went inward to the heart, the outward limbs and members trembled, and could not resist. And lastly, we have a perfect account of all the noble and good blood that was carried forth, and of all our sea walls and good shipping, without mortality of persons, wreck of vessels, or any manner of diminution. And these have been the happy effects of our so long and so much desired invasive war.
To conclude, Mr. Speaker, therefore, I doubt not but every man will consent that our gift must bear these two marks and badges: the one, of the danger of the realm by so great a proportion, since the last parliament, increased; the other, of the satisfaction we receive in having obtained our so earnest and ardent desire of an invasive war.
FOR HIS MAJESTY'S FIRST COMING IN. [fhepaked, But Not Used.]
Having great cause at this time, to be moved with diversity of affections, we do in first place condole with all our loving subjects of England, for the loss of their so virtuous and excellent queen; being a prince that we always found a dear sister, yea a mother to ourself in many her actions and advices. A prince, whom we hold and behold as an excellent pattern and example to imitate in many her royal virtues and parts of government; and a prince whose days we could have wished to have been prolonged; we reporting ourselves not only to the testimony of our royal heart, but to the judgment of all the world, whether there ever appeared in us any ambitious or impatient desire to prevent God's appointed time. Neither are we so partial to our own honour, but that we do in great part ascribe this our most peaceable and quiet entrance and coming to these our crowns, next under the blessing of Almighty God, and our undoubted right, to the fruit of her Majesty's peaceable and quiet government, accustoming the people to all loyalty and obedience. As for that which eoncerneth ourselves, we would have all our loving subjects know, that we do not take so much gladness and contentment in the devolving of these kingdoms unto our royal person, for any addition or increase of glory, power, or riches, as in this, that it is so manifest an evidence unto us, especially the manner of it considered, that we stand, though unworthy, in God's favour, who hath put more means into our hands to reward our friends and servants, and to pardon and obliterate injuries, and to comfort and relieve the hearts and estates of our people and loving subjects, and chiefly to advance the holy religion and church of Almighty God, and to deserve well of the christian commonwealth. And more especially we cannot but gratulate and rejoice in this one point, that it hath pleased God to make us the instrument, and, as it were, the corner-stone, to unite these two mighty and warlike nations of England and Scotland into one kingdom. For although these two nations are situate upon the continent of one island, and are undivided either by seas or mountains, or by diversity of language; and although our neighbour kingdoms of Spain and France have already had the happiness to be reunited in the several members of those kingdoms formerly disjoined: yet in this island it appeareth not in the records of any true history, no nor scarcely
in the conceit of any fabulous narration or tradition, that this whole island of Great Britain was ever united under one sovereign prince before this day. Which as we cannot but take as a singular honour and favour of God unto ourselves; so we may conceive good hope that the kingdoms of Christendom standing distributed and counterpoised, as by this last union they now are, it will be a foundation of the universal peace of all christian princes: and that now the strife that shall remain between them, shall be but an emulation who shall govern best, and most to the weal and good of his people.
Another great cause of our just rejoicing is, the assured hope that we conceive, that whereas our kingdom of Ireland hath been so long time torn and afflicted with the miseries of wars, the making and prosecuting of which wars hath cost such an infinite deal of blood and treasure of our realm of England to be spilt and consumed thereupon; we shall be able, through God's favour and assistance, to put a speedy and an honourable end to those wars. And it is our princely design and full purpose and resolution, not only to reduce that nation from their rebellion and revolt, but also to reclaim them from their barbarous manners to justice and the fear of God; and to populate, plant, and make civil all the provinces in that kingdom: which also being an action that not any of our noble progenitors, kings of England, hath ever had the happiness thoroughly to prosecute and accomplish, we take so much to heart, as we are persuaded it is one of the chief causes, for the which God hath brought us to the imperial crown of these kingdoms.
Further, we cannot but take great comfort in the state and correspondence which we now stand in of peace and unity with all christian princes, and otherwise, of quietness and obedience of our own people at home: whereby we shall not need to expose that our kingdom of England to any quarrel or war, but rather have occasion to preserve them in peace and tranquillity, and openness of trade with all foreign nations.
Lastly and principally, we cannot but take unspeakable comfort in the great and wonderful consent and unity, joy and alacrity, wherewith our loving subjects of our kingdom of England have received and acknowledged us their natural and lawful king and governor, according to our most clear and undoubted right, in so quiet and settled manner, as, if we had been long ago declared and established successor, and had taken all men's oaths and homages, greater and more perfect unity and readiness could not have been. For considering with ourselves, that notwithstanding difference of religion, or any other faction, and notwithstanding our absence so far off, and notwithstanding the sparing and reserved communicating of one another's minds; yet all our loving subjects met in one thought and voice, without any the least disturbance or interruption, yea, hesitation or doubtfulness, or any show thereof; we cannot but acknowledge it is a great work of God, who hath an immediate and extraordinary direction in the disposing of kingdoms and flows of people's hearts.
Wherefore, after our most humble and devout thanks to Almighty God, by whom kings reign, who hath established us king and governor of these kingdoms; we return our hearty and affectionate thanks unto the lords spiritual and temporal, the knights and gentlemen, the cities and towns, and generally unto our commons, and all estates and degrees of that our kingdom of England, for their so acceptable first-fruits of their obedience and loyalties offered and performed in our absence; much commending the great wisdom, courage, and watchfulness used by the peers of that our kingdom, according to the nobility of their bloods and lineages, many of them mingled with the blood royal; and therefore in nature affectionate to their rightful king; and likewise of the counsellors of the late queen, according to their gravity and oath, and the spirit of their good mistress, now a glorious saint in heaven, in carrying and ordering our affairs with that fidelity, moderation, and consent, which in them hath well appeared; and also the great readiness, concord, and cheerfulness in the principal knights and gentlemen of several counties, with the head officers of great cities, corporations, and towns: and do take knowledge by name of the readiness and good zeal of that our chiefest and most famous city,
the city of London, the chamber of that our kingdom j assuring them, that we will be unto that city, by all means of confirming and increasing their happy and wealthy estate, not only a just and gracious sovereign lord and king, but a special and bountiful patron and benefactor.
And we on our part, as well in remuneration of all their loyal and loving affections, as in discharge of our princely office, do promise and assure them, that as all manner of estates have concurred and consented in their duty and zeal towards us, so it shall be our continual care and resolution to preserve and maintain every several estate in a happy and flourishing condition, without confusion or overgrowing of any one to the prejudice, discontentment, or discouragement of the rest: and generally in all estates we hope God will strengthen and assist us, not only to extirpate all gross and notorious abuses and corruptions, of simonies, briberies, extortions, exactions, oppressions, vexations, burthensome payments, and overcharges, and the like; but farther to extend our princely care to the supply of the very neglects and omissions of any thing that may tend to the good of our people. So that every place and service that is fit for the honour or good of the commonwealth shall be rilled, and no man's virtue left idle, unemployed, or unrewarded; and every good ordinance and constitution, for the amendment of the estate and times, be revived and put in execution.
In the mean time, minding by God's leave, all delay set apart, to comfort and secure our loving subjects in our kingdom of England by our personal presence there, we require all our loving subjects joyfully to expect the same: and yet so, as we signify our will and pleasure to be, that all such ceremonies and preparations as shall be made and used to do us honour, or to express gratulation, be rather comely and orderly, than sumptuous and glorious; and for the expressing of magnificence, that it be rather employed and bestowed upon the funeral of the late queen, to whose memory, we are of opinion, too much honour cannot be done or performed