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As it is a manifest token, or rather a substantial effect, of the wrath and indignation of God, when kingdoms are rent and divided, which have formerly been entire and united under one monarch and governor; so, on the contrary part, when it shall please the Almighty, by whom kings reign as his deputies and lieutenants, to enlarge his commissions of empire and sovereignty, and to commit those nations to one king to govern, which he hath formerly committed to several kings, it is an evident argument of his great favour both upon king and upon people: upon the king, inasmuch* as he may with comfort conceive that he is one of those servants to whom it was said, " Thou hast been faithful in the less, I will make thee lord of more;" upon the people, because the greatness of kingdoms and dominions, especially not being scattered, but adjacent and compact, doth ever bring with it greater security from outward enemies, and greater freedom from inward burdens, unto both which people under petty and weak estates are more exposed; which so happy fruit of the union of kingdoms is chiefly to be understood, when such conjunction or augmentation is not wrought by conquest and violence, or by pact and submission, but by the law of nature and hereditary descent. For in conquest it is commonly seen, although the bulk and quantity of territory be increased, yet the strength of kingdoms is diminished, as well by the wasting of the forces of both parts in the conflict, as by the evil coherence of the nation conquering and conquered, the one being apt to be insolent, and the other discontent; and so both full of jealousies and discord. And where countries are annexed only by act of estates and submissions, such submissions are commonly grounded upon fear, which is no good author of continuance, besides the quarrels and revolts which do ensue upon conditional and articulate subjections: but when the lines of two kingdoms do meet in the person of one monarch, as in a true point or perfect angle; and that from marriage, which is the first conjunction in human society, there shall proceed one inheritor in blood to several kingdoms, whereby they are actually united and incorporate under one head; it is the work of God and nature, whereunto the works of force and policy cannot attain; and it is that which hath not in itself any manner of seeds of discord or disunion, other than such as envy and malignity shall sow, and which groundeth an union,

not only indissoluble, but also most comfortable and happy amongst the people.

We therefore in all humbleness acknowledge, that it is the great and blessed work of Almighty God, that these two ancient and mighty realms of England and Scotland, which by nature have no true but an imaginary separation, being both situate and comprehended in one most famous and renowned island of Great Britany, compassed by the ocean, without any mountains, seas, or other boundaries of nature, to make any partition, wall, or trench, between them, and being also exempted from the first curse of disunion, which was the confusion of tongues, and being people of a like constitution of mind nnd body, especially in warlike prowess and disposition; and yet nevertheless have in so many ages been disjoined under several kings and governors, are now at the last by right inherent in the commixture of our blood, united in our person and generation; wherein it hath pleased God to anoint us with the oil of gladness and gratulation above our progenitors, kings of either nation. Neither can we sufficiently contemplate and behold the passages, degrees, and insinuations, whereby it hath pleased the eternal God, to whom all his works are from the beginning known and present, to open and prepare a way to this excellent work; having first ordained that both nations should be knit in one true and reformed religion, which is the perfectest band of all unity and union; and secondly, that there should precede so long a peace continued between the nations for so many years last past, whereby all seeds and sparks of ancient discord have been laid asleep, and grown to an obliteration and oblivion; and lastly, that ourselves, in the true measure of our affections, should have so just cause to embrace both nations with equal and indifferent love and inclination, inasmuch as our birth and the passing of the first part of our age hath been in the one nation, and our principal seat and mansion, and the passing of the latter part of our days, is like to be in the other. Which our equal and upright holding of the balance between both nations, being the highest point of all others in our distributive justice, we give the world to know, that we are constantly resolved to preserve inviolate against all emulations and partialities, not making any difference at all between the subjects of either nation, in affection, honours, favours, gifts, employments, confidences, or the like; but only 8uch as the true distinctions of the persons, being capable or not capable, fit or not fit, acquainted with affairs or not acquainted with affairs, needing our princely bounty or not needing the same, approved to us by our experience or not approved, meriting or not meriting, and the several degrees of these and the like conditions, shall in right reason tie us unto, without any manner of regard to the country in itself; to the end that they may well perceive, that in our mind and apprehension they are all one and the same nation: and that our heart is truly placed in the centre of government, from whence all lines to the circumference are equal and of one space and distance.

But for the further advancing and perfecting of this work, we have taken into our princely care and cogitations, what it is that may appertain to our own imperial power, right, and authority: and what requireth votes and assents of our parliaments or estates; and again, what may presently be done, and what must be left to farther time, that our proceeding may be void of all inconvenience and informality; wherein by the example of Almighty God, who is accustomed to begin all his great works and designments by alterations or impositions of names, as the fittest means to imprint in the hearts of people a character and expectation of that which is to follow; we have thought good to withdraw and discontinue the divided names of England and Scotland out of our regal style and title, and to use in place of them the common and contracted name of Great Britany: not upon any vain-glory, whereof, we persuade ourselves, our actions do sufficiently free us in the judgment of all the world; and if any such humour should reign in us, it were better satisfied by length of style and enumeration of kingdoms: but only as a fit signification of that which is already done, and a significant prefiguration of that which we farther intend. For as in giving names to natural persons, it is used to impose them in infancy, and not to stay till fulness of growth; so it seemed to us not unseasonable to bring in farther use this name at the first, and to proceed to the more substantial points of the union after, as fast and as far as the common good of both the realms should permit, especially considering the name of Britany was no coined, or new-advised, or affected name at pleasure, but the true and ancient name which God and time hath imposed, extant, and received in histories, in cards, and in ordinary speech and writing, where the whole island is meant to be denominate; so as it is not accompanied with so much as any strangeness in common speech. And although we never doubted, neither ever heard that any other presumed to doubt, but that the form and tenor of our regal style and title, and the delineation of the same, did only and wholly of mere right appertain to our supreme and absolute prerogative to express the same in such words or sort, as seemed good to our royal pleasure: yet because we were

to have the advice and assent of our parliament concerning other points of the union, we were pleased our said parliament should, amongst the rest, take also the same into their consideration. But finding by the grave opinion of our judges, who are the interpreters of our laws, that, in case that alteration of style, which seemed to us but verbal, should be established and enacted by parliament, it might involve, by implication and consequence, not only a more present alteration, but also a farther innovation than we any ways intended; or at least might be subject to some colourable scruple of such a perilous construction: we rested well satisfied to respite the same, as to require it by act of parliament. But being still resolved and fixed that it may conduce towards this happy end of the better uniting of the nations, we have thought good by the advice of our council to take the same upon us by our proclamation, being a course safe and free from any of the perils or scruples aforesaid. And therefore we do by these presents publish, proclaim, and assume to ourselves from henceforth, according to our undoubted right, the style and title of King of Great Britany, France, and Ireland, and otherwise as followeth in our style formerly used. And we do hereby straitly charge and command our chancellor, and all such as have the custody of any of our seals; and all other our officers and subjects whatsoever, to whom it may in any ways appertain, that from henceforth in all commissions, patents, writs, processes, grants, records, instruments, impressions, sermons, and all other writings and speeches whatsoever, wherein our style is used to be set forth or recited, that our said style, as is before by these presents declared and prescril>ed, be only used, and no other. And because we do but now declare that which in truth was before, our will and pleasure is, that in the computation of our reign, as to all writings or instruments hereafter to be made, the same computation be taken and made, as if we had taken upon us the style aforesaid immediately after the decease of our late dear sister. And we do notify to all our subjects, that if any person, of what degree or condition soever he be, shall impugn our said style, or derogate and detract from the same by any arguments, speeches, words, or otherwise; we shall proceed against him, as against an offender against our crown and dignity, and a disturber of the quiet and peace of our kingdom, according to the utmost severity of our laws in that behalf. Nevertheless, our meaning is not, that where in any writ, pleading, or other record, writing, instrument of speech, it hath been used for mention to be made of England or the realm of England, or any other word or words derived from the same, and not of our whole and entire style and title; that therein any alteration at all be used by pretext of this our proclamation, which we intend to take place only where our whole style shall be recited, and not otherwise; and in the other cases the ancient form to be used and observed.







It is well known to your Majesty, excellent king, that the emperors of Rome, for their better glory and ornament, did use in their titles the additions of the countries and nations where they had obtained victories; as Germanicus, Britannicus, and the like. But after all those names, as in the higher place, followed the name of Pater Patriae, as the greatest name of all human honour immediately preceding that name of Augustus; whereby they took themselves to express some affinity that they had, in respect of their office, with divine honour. Your Majesty might, with good reason, assume to yourself many of those other names; as Germanicus, Saxonicus, Britannicus, Francicus, Danicus, Gothicus, and others, as appertaining to you not by bloodshed, as they bare them, but by blood; your Majesty's royal person being a noble confluence of streams and veins wherein the royal blood of many kingdoms of Europe are met and united. But no name is more worthy of you, nor may more truly be ascribed unto you, than that name of father of your people, which you bear and express not in the formality of your style, but in the real course of your government. We ought not to say unto you as was said to Julius Cssar, " Quae miremur, habemus; qua? laudemus, expectamtis:" that we have already wherefore to admire you, and that now we expect somewhat for which to commend you; for we may, without suspicion or flattery, acknowledge, that we have found in your Majesty great cause, both of admiration and commendation. For great is the admiration, wherewith you have possessed us since this parliament began in those two causes wherein we have had access unto you, and heard your voice, that of the return of Sir Francis Goodwin, and that of the union; whereby it seemeth unto us, the one of these being so subtle a question of law; and the other so high a cause of estate, that as the Scripture saith of the wisest king, " that his heart was as the sands of the sea j" which though it be one of the largest and vastest bodies, yet it consisteth of the smallest motes

and portions: so, I say, it appeareth unto us in these two examples, that God hath given your Majesty a rare sufficiency, both to compass and fathom the greatest matters, and to discern the least. And for matter of praise and commendation, which chiefly belongeth to goodness, we cannot but with great thankfulness profess, that your Majesty, within the circle of one year of your reign, infra orbem anni vertentis, hath endeavoured to unite your church, which was divided; to supply your nobility, which was diminished; and to ease your people in cases where they were burdened and oppressed.

In the last of these your high merits, that is, the ease and comfort of your people, doth fall out to be comprehended the message which I now bring unto your Majesty, concerning the great grievance arising by the manifold abuses of purveyors, differing in some degree from most of the things wherein we deal and consult; for it is true, that the knights, citizens, and burgesses, in parliament assembled, are a representative body of your commons and third estate; and in many matters, although we apply ourselves to perform the trust of those that choose us, yet it may be, we do speak much out of our own senses and discourses. But in this grievance, being of that nature whereunto the poor people is most exposed, and men of quality less, we shall most humbly desire your Majesty to conceive, that your Majesty doth not hear our opinions or senses, but the very groans and complaints themselves of your commons more truly and vively, than by representation. For there is no grievance in your kingdom so general, so continual, so sensible, and so bitter unto the common subject, as this whereof we now speak; wherein it may please your Majesty to vouchsafe me leave, first, to set forth unto you the dutiful and respective carriage of our proceeding; next, the substance of our petition; and thirdly, some reasons and motives which in all humbleness we do offer to your Majesty's royal consideration or commiseration; we assuring ourselves that never king reigned that had belter notions of head, and motions of heart, for the good and comfort of his loving subjects.

For the first: in the course of remedy which we desire, we pretend not, nor intend not, in any sort, to derogate from your Majesty's prerogative, nor to touch, diminish, or question any of your Majesty's regalities or rights. For we seek nothing but the reformation of abuses, and the execution of former laws whereunto we are born. And although it be no strange thing in parliament for new abuses to crave new remedies, yet nevertheless in these abuses, which if not in nature, yet in extremity and height of them, are most of them new, we content ourselves with the old laws: only we desire a confirmation and quickening of them in their execution ; ^o far are we from any humour of innovation or encroachment.

As to the court of the green cloth, ordained for the provision of your Majesty's most honourable household, we hold it ancient, we hold it reverend. Other courts respect your politic person, but that respects your natural person. But yet, notwithstanding, most excellent king, to use that freedom which to subjects that pour out their griefs before so gracious a king, is allowable, we may very well allege unto your Majesty, a comparison or similitude used by one of the fathers * in another matter, and not unfitly representing our case in this point: and it is of the leaves and roots of nettles; the leaves are venomous and stinging where they touch; the root is not so, but is without venom or malignity; and yet it is the root that bears and supports all the leaves. This needs no farther application.

To come now to the substance of our petition. It is no other, than by the benefit of your Majesty's laws to be relieved of the abuses of purveyors; which abuses do naturally divide themselves into three sorts: the first, they take in kind that they ought not to take; the second, they take in quantity a far greater proportion than cometh to your Majesty's use; the third, they take in an unlawful manner, in a manner, I say, directly and expressly prohibited by divers laws.

For the first of these, I am a little to alter their name; for instead of takers, they become taxers; instead of taking provision for your Majesty's service, they tax your people ad redimendam vexationem: imposing upon them, and extorting from them, divers sums of money, sometimes in gross, sometimes in the nature of stipends annually paid, ne noceant, to be freed and eased of their oppression. Again, they take trees, which by law they cannot do; timber-trees,which are the beauty, countenance, and shelter of men's houses; that men have long spared from their own purse and profit; that men esteem, for their use and delight, above ten times the value; that are a loss which men cannot repair or recover. These do they take, to the defacing and spoiling of your subjects' mansions and dwellings, except they may be compounded with their own appetites. And if a gentleman be too hard for them while he is at home, they will watch their time when there is but a bailiff or a servant remaining, and put the axe to the root of the tree, ere ever the mas• St. Augustine.

ter can stop it. Again, they use a strange and most unjust exaction, in causing the subjects to pay poundage of their own debts, due from your Majesty unto them; so as a poor man, when he hath had his hay, or his wood, or his poultry, which perchance he was full loth to part with, and had for the provision of his own family, and not to put to sale, taken from him, and that not at a just price, but under the value, and cometh to receive his money, he shall have after the rate of twelve pence in the pound abated for poundage of his due payment, upon so hard conditions. Nay farther, they are grown to that extremity, as is affirmed, though it be scarce credible, save that in such persons all things are credible, that they will take double poundage, once when the debenture is made, and again the second time when the money is paid.

For the second point, most gracious sovereign, touching the quantity which they lake, far above that which is answered to your Majesty's use: they are the only multipliers in the world; they have the art of multiplication. For it is affirmed unto me by divers gentlemen of good report and experience in these causes, as a matter which I may safely avouch before your Majesty, to whom we owe all truth, as well of information as subjection, that there is no pound profit which redoundeth to your Majesty in this course, but induceth and begetteth three pound damage upon your subjects, besides the discontentment. And to the end they may make their spoil more securely, what do they? Whereas divers statutes do strictly provide, that whatsoever they take, shall be registered and attested, to the end, that by making a collation of that which is taken from the country, and that which is answered above, their deceits might appear; they, to the end to obscure their deceits, utterly omit the observation of this, which the law prescribeth.

And therefore to descend, if it may please your Majesty, to the third sort of abuse, which is of the unlawful manner of their taking, whereof this omission is a branch; and it is so manifold, as it rather askelh an enumeration of some of the particulars, than a prosecution of all. For their price: by law they ought to take as they can agree with the subject; by abuse they take at an imposed and enforced price: by law they ought to make but one apprisement by neighbours in the country; by abuse they make a second apprisement at the court-gate; and when the subject's cattle come up many miles lean, and out of plight, by reason of their great travel, then they prize them anew at an abated price: by law they ought to take between sun and sun; by abuse they take by twilight, and in the night-time, a time well chosen for malefactors: by law they ought not to take in the highways, a place by your Majesty's high prerogative protected, and by statute by special words excepted; by abuse they take in the ways, in contempt of your Majesty's prerogative and laws: by law they ought to show their commission, and the form of commission is by law set down; the commissions they bring down, are against the law, and because they know so much, they will not show them. A number of other particulars there are, whereof as I have given your Majesty a taste, so the chief of them upon deliberate advice are set down in writing by the labour of some committees, and approbation of the whole house, more particularly and lively than I can express them, myself having them at the second hand by reason of my abode above. But this writing is a collection of theirs who dwell amongst the abuses of these offenders, and the complaints of the people j and therefore must needs have a more perfect understanding of all the circumstances of them.

It remaineth only that 1 use a few words, the rather to move your Majesty in this cause: a few words, I say, a very few; for neither need so great enormities any aggravating, neither needeth so great grace, as useth of itself to flow from your Majesty's princely goodness, any artificial persuading. There be two things only which I think good to set before your Majesty; rtie one the example of your most noble progenitors kings of this realm, who from the first king that endowed this kingdom with the great charters of their liberties, until the last, all save one, who as he was singular in many excellent things, so I would he had not been alone in this, have ordained, every one of them in their several reigns, some laws or law against this kind of offenders: and especially the example of one of them, that king, who for his greatness, wisdom, glory, and union

of several kingdoms, resembleth your Majesty most, both in virtue and fortune, king Edward III. who, in his time only, made ten several laws against this mischief. The second is the example of God himself; who hath said and pronounced, "That he will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain." For all these great misdemeanors are committed in and under your Majesty's name: and therefore we hope your Majesty will hold them twice guilty that commit these offences; once for the oppressing of the people, and once more for doing it under the colour and abuse of your Majesty's most dreaded and beloved name. So then I will conclude with the saying of Pindarns, "Optima res aqua;" not for the excellency, but for the common use of it; and so contrariwise the matter of abuse of purveyance, if it be not the most heinous abuse, yet certainly it is the most common and general abuse of all others in this kingdom.

It resteth, that, according to the command laid upon me, I do in all humbleness present this writing to your Majesty's royal hands, with most humble petition on the behalf of the commons, that as your Majesty hath been pleased to vouchsafe your gracious audience to hear me speak, so you would be pleased to enlarge your patience to hear this writing read, which is more material.





I Do not find it strange, excellent king, that when Heraclitus, he that was surnamed the obscure, had set forth a certain book which is not now extant, many men took it for a discourse of nature, and many others took it for a treatise of policy. For there is a great affinity and consent between the rules of nature, and the true rules of policy: the one being nothing else but an order in the government of the world; and the other an order in the government of an estate. And therefore the education and erudition of the kings of Persia was in a science which was termed by a name then of great reverence, but now degenerate and taken in the ill part. For the Persian magic, which was the secret literature of their kings, was an application of the contemplations and observations of nature unto a sense politic; taking the fundamental laws of nature, and the branches and passages of them, as an original or first model, whence to take and describe a copy and imitation for government.

After this manner the foresaid instructors set be« Printed in 1603, in 12mo.

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fore their kings the examples of the celestial bodies, the sun, the moon, and the rest, which have great glory and veneration, but no rest or intermission: being in a perpetual office of motion, for the cherishing, in turn and in course of inferior bodies; expressing likewise the true manner of the motions of government, which though they ought to be swift and rapid in respect of despatch and occasions, yet are they to be constant and regular, without wavering or confusion.

So did they represent unto them how the heavens do not enrich themselves by the earth and the seas, nor keep no dead stock nor untouched treasures of that they draw to them from below; but whatsoever moisture they do levy and take from both elements in vapours, they do spend and turn back again in showers, only holding and storing them up for a time, to the end to issue and distribute them in season.

But chiefly they did express and expound unto them that fundamental law of nature, whereby all things do subsist and are preserved; which is, that every thing in nature, although it hath its private

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