« PreviousContinue »
and particular affection and appetite, and doth follow and pursue the same in small moments, and when it is free and delivered from more general and common respects; yet, nevertheless, when there is question or case for sustaining of the more general, they forsake their own particularities, and attend and conspire to uphold the public.
So we see the iron in small quantity will ascend and approach to the loadstone upon a particular sympathy: but if it be any quantity of moment, it leaveth its appetite of amity to the loadstone, and, like a good patriot, falleth to the earth, which is the place and region of massy bodies.
So again the water and other like bodies do fall towards the centre of the earth, which is, as was said, their region or country : and yet we see nothing more usual in all water-works and engines, than that the water, rather than to suffer any distraction or disunion in nature, will ascend, forsaking the love to its own region or country, and applying itself to the body next adjoining.
But it were too long a digression to proceed to more examples of this kind. Your Majesty yourself did fall upon a passage of this nature in your gracious speech of thanks unto your council, when acknowledging princely their vigilances and welldeservings, it pleased you to note, that it was a success and event above the course of nature, to have so great change with so great a quiet: forasmuch as sudden mutations, as well in state as in nature, are rarely without violence and perturbation: so as still I conclude there is, as was said, a congruity between the principles of nature and policy. And lest that instance may seem to oppone to this assertion, I may even in that particular, with your Majesty's favour, offer unto you a type or pattern in nature, much resembling this event in your state; namely, earthquakes, which many of them bring ever much terror and wonder, but no actual hurt j the earth trembling for a moment, and suddenly stablishing in perfect quiet as it was before.
This knowledge then of making the government of the world a mirror for the government of a state, being a wisdom almost lost, whereof the reason I take to be because of the difficulty for one man to embrace both philosophies, I have thought good to make some proof as far as my weakness and the straits of time will suffer, to revive in the handling of one particular, wherewith now I most humbly present your Majesty : for surely, as hath been said, it is a form of discourse anciently used towards kings; and to what king should it be more proper than to a king that is studious to conjoin contemplative virtue and active virtue together?
Your Majesty is the first king that had the honour to be lapis angularis, to unite these two mighty and warlike nations of England and Scotland under one sovereignty and monarchy. It doth not appear by the records and memoirs of any true history, or scarcely by the fiction and pleasure of any fabulous narration or tradition, that ever, of any antiquity, this island of Great Britain was united under one king before this day. And yet there be no mountains nor races of hills, there be no seas or great rivers, there
is no diversity of tongue or language that hath invited or provoked this ancient separation or divorce. The lot of Spain was to have the several kingdoms of that continent, Portugal only excepted, to be united in an age not long past; and now in our age that of Portugal also, which was the last that held out, to be incorporate with the rest. The lot of France hath been, much about the same time, likewise, to have re-annexed unto that crown the several duchies and portions which were in former times dismembered. The lot of this island is the last reserved for your Majesty's happy times, by the special providence and favour of God, who hath brought your Majesty to this happy conjunction with great consent of hearts, and in the strength of your years, and in the maturity of your experience. It resteth but that, as I promised, I set before your Majesty's princely consideration, the grounds of nature touching the union and commixture of bodies, and the correspondence which they have with the grounds of policy in the conjunction of states and kingdoms.
First, therefore, that position, Vis unita fortior, being one of the common notions of the mind, needeth not much to be induced or illustrated.
We see the sun when he entereth, and while he continueth under the sign of Leo, causeth more vehement heats than when he is in Cancer, what time his beams are nevertheless more perpendicular. The reason whereof, in great part, hath been truly ascribed to the conjunction and corradiation, in that place of heaven, of the sun with the four stars of the first magnitude, Sirius, Canicula, Cor Leonis, and Cauda Leonis.
So the moon likewise, by ancient tradition, while she is in the same sign of Leo, is said to be at the heart, wrhich is not for any affinity which that place of heaven can have with that part of man's body, but only because the moon is then, by reason of the conjunction and nearness with the stars aforenamed, in greatest strength of influence, and so worketh upon that part in inferior bodies, which is most vital and principal.
So we see waters and liquors, in small quantity, do easily putrify and corrupt; but in large quantitysubsist long, by reason of the strength they receive by union.
So in earthquakes, the more general do little hurt, by reason of the united weight which they offer to subvert; but narrow and particular earthquakes have many times overturned whole towns and cities.
So then this point touching the force of union is evident: and therefore it is more fit to speak of the manner of union; wherein again it will not be pertinent to handle one kind of union, which is union by victory, when one body doth merely subdue another, and converteth the same into its own nature, extinguishing and expulsing what part soever of it it cannot overcome. As when the fire converteth the wood into fire, purging away the smoke and the ashes as unapt matter to inflame : or when the bodv of a living creature doth convert and assimilate food and nourishment, purging and expelling whatsoever it cannot convert. For these representations do answer in matter of policy to union of countries by conquest, where the conquering state doth extinguish, extirpate, and expulse any part of the state conquered, which it findeth so contrary as it cannot alter and convert it. And therefore, leaving violent unions, we will consider only of natural unions.
The difference is excellent which the best observers in nature do take between compositio and mistio, putting together, and mingling: the one being but a conjunction of bodies in place, the other in quality and consent: the one the mother of sedition and alteration, the other of peace and continuance: the other rather a confusion than an union, the other properly an union. Therefore we see those bodies which they call imperfecte mista, last not, but are speedily dissolved. For take, for example, snow or froth, which are compositions of air and water, and in them you may behold how easily they sever and dissolve, the water closing together and excluding the air.
So these three bodies which the alchemists do so much celebrate as the three principles of things; that is to say, earth, water, and oil, which it pleaseth them to term salt, mercury, and sulphur, we see, if they be united only by composition or putting together, how weakly and rudely they do incorporate: for water and earth make but an imperfect slime; and if they be forced together by agitation, yet upon a little settling, the earth resideth in the bottom. So water and oil, though by agitation it be brought into an ointment, yet after a little settling the oil will float on the top. So as such imperfect mixtures continue no longer than they are forced ; and still in •he end the worthiest getteth above.
But otherwise it is of perfect mixtures. For we see these three bodies, of earth, water, and oil, when they are joined in a vegetable or minaral, they are so united, as without great subtlety of art and force of extraction, they cannot be separated and reduced into the same simple bodies again. So as the difference between compositio and mistio clearly set down is this: that compositio is the joining or putting together of bodies without anew form; and mistio is the joining or putting together of bodies under a new form: for the new form is commune vinculum, and without that the old forms will be at strife and discord.
Now to reflect this light of nature upon matter of estate; there hath been put in practice in government these two several kinds of policy in uniting and conjoining of states and kingdoms; the one to retain the ancient form still severed, and only conjoined in sovereignty; the other to superinduce a new form agreeable and convenient to the entire estate. The former of these hath been more usual, and is more easy; but the latter is more happy. For if a man do attentively revolve histories of all nations, and judge truly thereupon, he will make this conclusion, that there was never any states that were good commixtures but the Romans; which because it was the best state of the world, and is the best example of this point, we will chiefly insist thereupon.
In the antiquities of Rome, Virgil bringeth in Jupiter by way of oracle or prediction speaking of the mixture of the Trojans and the Italians:
"Sermonem Ausouii patrium inoresquc tenebunt:
JEn. xii. 834.
Wherein Jupiter maketh a kind of partition ordistribution: that Italy should give the language and the laws; Troy should give a mixture of men, and some religious rites; and both people should meet in one name of Latins.
Soon after the foundation of the city of Rome, the people of the Romans and the Sabines mingled upon equal terms: wherein the interchange went so even, that, as Livy noteth, the one nation gave the name to the place, the other to the people. For Rome continued the name, but the people were called Quirites, which was the Sabine word, derived of Cures the country of Tatius.
But that which is chiefly to be noted in the whole continuance of the Roman government; they were so liberal of their naturalizations, as in effect they made perpetual mixtures. For the manner was to grant the same, not only to particular persons, but to families and lineages; and not only so, but to whole cities and countries. So as in the end it came to that, that Rome was communis patria, as some of the civilians call it.
So we read of St. Paul, after he had been beaten with rods, and thereupon charged the officer with the violation of the privilege of a citizen of Rome: the captain said to him, " Art thou then a Roman? That privilege hath cost me dear." To whom St. Paul replied, " But I was so born;" and yet in another place, St. Paul professeth himself, that he was a Jew by tribe: so as it is manifest that some of his ancestors were naturalized; and so it was conveyed to him and their other descendants.
So we read, that it was one of the first despites that was done to Julius Cajsar, that whereas he had obtained naturalization for a city in Gaul, one of the city was beaten with rods of the consul Marcellus.
So we read in Tacitus, that in the emperor Claudius's time, the nation of Gaul, that part which is called Comata, the wilder part, were suitors to be made capable of the honour of being senators and officers of Rome. His words are these; "Cum dc supplendo senatu agitaretur, primoresque Gallia?, qiiBj Comata appellatur, foedera, et civitatem Romanam pridem assecuti, jus adipiscendorum in urbe honorem expeterent; multus ea super re variusque rumor, et studiis diversis, apud principem certabatur." And in the end, after long debate, it was ruled they should be admitted.
So likewise, the authority of Nicholas Machiavel seemeth not to be contemned; who, inquiring the causes of the growth of the Roman empire, doth give judgment; there was not one greater than this, that the state did so easily compound and incorporate with strangers.
It is true that most estates and kingdoms have taken the other course: of which this effect hath followed, that the addition of farther empire and territory hath been rather matter of burden, than matter of strength unto them: yea, and farther, it hath kept alive the seeds and roots of revolts and rebellions for many ages; as we may see in a fresh and notable example of the kingdom of Arragon: which, though it were united to Castile by marriage, and not by conquest; and so descended in hereditary union by the space of more than a hundred years; yet because it was continued in a divided government, and not well incorporated and cemented with the other crowns, entered into a rebellion upon point of their fueros, or liberties, now of very late years.
Now to speak briefly of the several parts of that form, whereby states and kingdoms are perfectly united, they are, besides the sovereignty itself, four in number; union in name, union in language, union in laws, union in employments.
For name, though it seem but a superficial and outward matter, yet it carrieth much impression and enchantment: the general and common name of Grtecia made the Greeks always apt to unite, though otherwise full of divisions amongst themselves, against other nations whom they called barbarous. The Helvetian name is no small band to knit together their leagues and confederacies the faster. The common name of Spain, no doubt, hath been a special means of the better union and conglutination of the several kingdoms of Castile, Arragon, Granada, Navarre, Valentia, Catalonia, and the rest, comprehending also now lately Portugal.
For language, it is not needful to insist upon it; because both your Majesty's kingdoms are of one language, though of several dialects; and the difference is so small between them, as promiseth rather an enriching of one language than a continuance of two.
For laws, which are the principal sinews of government, they be of three natures; jura, which I will term freedoms or abilities, leges, and mores.
For abilities and freedoms, they were amongst the Romans of four kinds, or rather degrees. Jusconnubii, jus civitatis, jus suffragii, and jus petitionis or honorum. Jus connubii is a thing in these times out of use; for marriage is open between all diversities of nations, Jut civitatis answereth to that we call denization or naturalization. J us suffragii answereth to the voice in parliament. Jus petitionis answereth to place in council or office. And the Romans did many times sever these freedoms; granting J us connubii, sine civitate, and civitatem, sine suffragio, and suff'ragium, sine jure petitionis, which was commonly with them the last.
For those we call leges, it is a matter of curiosity and inconveniency, to seek either to extirpate all particular customs, or to draw all subjects to one place or resort of judicature and session. It sufficeth there be a uniformity in the principal and fundamental laws, both ecclesiastical and civil: for
in this point the rule holdeth which was pronounced by an ancient father, touching the diversity of rites in the church; for finding the vesture of the queen in the psalm, which did prefigure the church, was of divers colours; and finding again that Christ's coat was without a seam, he concluded well, " in veste varietas sit, scissura non sit."
For manners: a consent in them is to be sought industriously, but not to be enforced: for nothing amongst people breedeth so much pertinacyin holding their customs, as sudden and violent offer to remove them.
And as for employments, it is no more, but an indifferent hand, and execution of that verse:
Tros, Tyriusque mihi nullo diacrimine agetur.
There remaineth only to remember out of the grounds of nature the two conditions of perfect mixture; whereof the former is time: for the natural philosophers say well, that compositio is opus hominis, and mistio opus nature. For it is the duty of man to make a fit application of bodies together: but the perfect fermentation and incorporation of them must be left to time and nature; and unnatural hasting thereof doth disturb the work, and not despatch it.
So we see, after the graft is put into the stock and bound, it must be left to time and nature to make that continuum, which at the first was but contiguum. And it is not any continual pressing or thrusting together that will prevent nature's season, but rather hinder it. And so in liquors, those commixtures which are at the first troubled, grow after clear and settled by the benefit of rest and time.
The second condition is, that the greater draw the less. So we see when two lights do meet, the greater doth darken and dim the less. And when a smaller river runneth into a greater, it loseth both its name and stream. And hereof, to conclude, we see an excellent example in the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. The kingdom of Judah contained two tribes; the kingdom of Israel contained ten. King David reigned over Judah for certain years; and, after the death of Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, obtained likewise the kingdom of Israel. This union continued in him, and likewise in his son Solomon, by the space of seventy years, at least, between them both: but yet, because the seat of the kingdom was kept still in Judah, and so the less sought to draw the greater: upon the first occasion offered, the kingdoms brake again, and so continued ever after.
Thus having in all humbleness made oblation to your Majesty of these simple fruits of my devotion and studies, I do wish, and do wish it not in the nature of an impossibility, to my apprehension, that this happy union of your Majesty's two kingdoms of England and Scotland, may be in as good an hour, and under the like Divine providence, as that was between the Romans and the Sabines.
CERTAIN ARTICLES OR CONSIDERATIONS
UNION OF THE KINGDOMS OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND:
COLLECTED AND DISPERSED FOR HIS MAJESTY'S BETTER SERVICE.
Your Majesty, being, I doubt not, directed and conducted by a better oracle than that which was given for light to ./Eneas in his peregrination, "Antiquam exquirite matrem," hath a royal, and indeed an heroical desire to reduce these two kingdoms of England and Scotland into the unity of their ancient mother kingdom of Britain. Wherein as I would gladly applaud unto your Majesty, or sing aloud that hymn or anthem, "Sic itur ad astra;" so in a more soft and submissive voice, I must necessarily remember unto your Majesty that warning or caveat, " Ardua quae pulchra:" it is an action that requireth, yea, and needeth much, not only of your Majesty's wisdom, but of your felicity. In this argument I presumed at your Majesty's first entrance to write a few lines, indeed scholastically and speculatively, and not actively or politically, as I held it fit for me at that time; when neither your Majesty was in that your desire declared, nor myself in that service used or trusted. But now that both your Majesty hath opened your desire and purpose with much admiration, even of those who give it not so full an approbation, and that myself was by the commons graced with the first vote of all the commons selected for that cause; not in any estimation of my ability, for therein so wise an assembly could not be so much deceived, but in an acknowledgment of my extreme labours and integrity; in that business I thought myself every way bound, both in duty to your Majesty, and in trust to that house of parliament, and in consent to the matter itself, and in conformity to mine own travels and beginnings, not to neglect any pains that may tend to the furtherance of so excellent a work; wherein I will endeavour that that which I shall set down be nihil minus qunm verba: for length and ornament of speech are to be used for persuasion of multitudes, and not for information of kings; especially such a king as is the only instance that ever 1 knew to make a man of Plato's opinion, "that all knowledge is but remembrance, and that the mind of man knoweth all things, and demandeth only to have her own notions excited and awaked:" which your Majesty's rare and indeed singular gift and faculty of swift apprehension, and infinite expansion or multiplication of another man's knowledge by your own, as I have often observed, so I did extremely admire in Goodwin's cause, being a matter full of secrets and mys
teries of our laws, merely new unto you, and quite out of the path of your education, reading, and conference: wherein, nevertheless, upon a spark of light given, your Majesty took in so dexterously and profoundly, as if you had been indeed anima legis, not only in execution, but in understanding: the remembrance whereof, as it will never be out of my mind, so it will always be a warning to me to seek rather to excite your judgment briefly, than to inform it tediously; and if in a matter of that nature, how much more in this, wherein your princely cogitations have wrought themselves, and been conversant, and wherein the principal light proceeded from yourself.
And therefore my purpose is only to break this matter of the union into certain short articles and questions, and to make a certain kind of anatomy or analysis of the parts and members thereof: not that I am of opinion that all the questions which I now shall open, were fit to be in the consultation of the commissioners propounded. For I hold nothing so great an enemy to good resolution, as the making of too many questions; especially in assemblies which consist of many. For princes, for avoiding of distraction, must take many things by way of admittance; and if questions must be made of them, rather to suffer them to arise from others, than to grace them and authorize them as propounded from themselves. But unto your Majesty's private consideration, to whom it may better sort with me rather to speak as a remembrancer than as a counsellor, I have thought good to lay before you all the branches, lineaments, and degrees of this union, that upon the view and consideration of them and their circumstances, your Majesty may the more clearly discern, and more readily call to mind which of them is to be embraced, and which to be rejected: and of these, which are to be accepted, which of them is presently to be proceeded in, and which to be put over to farther time. And again, which of them shall require authority of parliament, and which are fitter to be effected by your Majesty's royal power and prerogative, or by other policies or means; and lastly, which of them is liker to pass with difficulty and contradiction, and which with more facility and smoothness.
First, therefore, to begin with that question, that, I suppose, will be out of question.
statutes con- Whether it be not meet, that the eeminK Scot- statutes which were made touching ScotScottish land or the Scottish nation, while the nation. kingdoms stood severed, be repealed?
It is true, there is a diversity in these; for some of these laws consider Scotland as an enemy's country; other laws consider it as a foreign country only: as for example j the law of Rich. II. anno 7which prohibiteth all armour or victual to be carried to Scotland; and the law of 7 of K. Henry VII. that enacteth all the Scottish men to depart the realm within a time prefixed. Both these laws, and some others, respect Scotland as a country of hostility: but the law of 22 of Edward IV. that endueth Berwick with the liberty of a staple, where all Scottish merchandises should resort that should be uttered for England, and likewise all English merchandises that should be uttered for Scotland; this law beholdeth Scotland only as a foreign nation; and not so much neither; for there have been erected staples in towns of England for some commodities, with an exclusion and restriction of other parts of England.
But this is a matter of the least difficulty; your
Majesty shall have a calendar made of the laws,
nnd a brief of the effect; and so you may judge of
them: and the like or reciproque is to be done by
Scotland for such laws as they have concerning
England and the English nation.
Laws cus- The second question is, what laws,
toms, commis- customs, commissions, officers, garrisions, officers , ., ... , J
ofthe borders sons, and the like, are to be put down,
or marches. discontinued, or taken away upon the borders of both realms?
To this point, because I am not acquainted with the orders of the marches, I can say the less.
Herein falleth that question, whether that the tenants, who hold their tenants' rights in a greater freedom and exemption, in consideration of their service upon the borders, and that the countries themselves, which are in the same respect discharged of subsidies and taxes, should not now be brought to be in one degree with other tenants and countries; "nam cessante causa, tollitur effectus P" "Wherein, in my opinion, some time would be given; " quia adhuc eorum messis in herba est:" but some present ordinance would be made to take effect at a future time, considering it is one of the greatest points and marks of the division of the kingdoms. And because reason doth dictate, that where the principal solution of continuity was, there the healing and consolidating plaster should b? chiefly applied; there would be some farther device for the utter and perpetual confounding of those imaginary bounds, as your Majesty termeth them: and therefore it would be considered, whether it were not convenient to plant and erect at Carlisle or Berwick some council or court of justice, the jurisdiction whereof might extend part into England and part into Scotland, with a commission not to proceed precisely, or merely according to the laws and customs either of England or Scotland, but mixtly, according to instructions by your Majesty to be set down, after the imitation and precedent of the coun
cil of the marches here in England, erected upon the union of Wales?
The third question isthat which many will make a great question of, though besMrathe'rS perhaps your Majesty will make no ques- moving of Idtion of it; and that is, whether your and dissentMajesty should not make a stop or Ujag|^8a"cl stand here, and not to proceed to any farther union, contenting yourself with the two former articles or points.
For it will be said, that we are now well; thanks be to God and your Majesty, and the state of neither kingdom is to be repented of; and that it is true which Hippocrates saith, that " Sana corpora difficile medicationes ferunt," it is better to make alterations in sick bodies than in sound. The consideration of which point will rest upon these two branches; what inconveniences will ensue with time, if the realms stand as they are divided, whicli are yet not found nor sprung up. For it may be the sweetness of your Majesty's first entrance, and the great benefit that both nations have felt thereby, hath covered many inconveniences: which, nevertheless, be your Majesty's government never so gracious and politic, continuance of time and the accidents of time may breed and discover, if the kingdoms stand divided.
The second branch is; allow no manifest or important peril or inconvenience should ensue of the continuing of the kingdoms divided, yet on the other side, whether that upon the farther uniting of them, there be not like to follow that addition and increase of wealth and reputation, as is worthy your Majesty's virtues and fortune, to be the author and founder of, for the advancement and exaltation of your Majesty's royal posterity in time to come?
But admitting that your Majesty should proceed to this more perfect nt°th?iTMtk>ns and entire union, wherein your Majesty stand at ready
« m ■ >> . united,
may say, "Majus opus moveo; to
enter into the parts and degrees thereof, I think fit first to set down, as in a brief table, in what points the nations stand now at this present time already united, and in what points yet still severed and divided, that your Majesty may the better see what is done, and what is to be done; and how that which is to be done is to be inferred upon that which is done.
The points wherein the nations stand already united are:
In sovereignty. v
And now lastly, by the peace by your Majesty concluded with Spain, in leagues and confederacies; for now both nations have the same friends and the same enemies.
Yet notwithstanding there is none of the six points, wherein the union is perfect and consummate; but every of them hath some scruple or rather grain of separation inwrapped and included in them.