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need be both discreet and provident persons, both for his honour and for his thrift; they must look both ways, else they are but half-sighted: yet in the choice of them there is more latitude left to affection, than in the choice of counsellors, and of the great officers of state, before touched, which must always be made choice of merely out of judgment; for in them the public hath a great interest.
[And yet in these, the choice had need be of honest and faithful servants, as well as of comely outsides, who can bow the knee, and kiss the hand, and perform other services, of small importance compared with this of public employment. King David, Psal. ci. 6, 7, propounded a rule to himself for the choice of his courtiers. He was a wise and a good king; and a wise and a good king shall do well to follow such a good example: and if he find any to be faulty, which perhaps cannot suddenly be discovered, let him take on him this resolution as king David did, " There shall no deceitful person dwell in my house." But for such as shall bear office in the king's house, and manage the expenses thereof, it is much more requisite to make a good choice of such servants, both for his thrift and for his honour.]
4. For the other ministerial officers in court, as, for distinction' sake, they may be termed, there must also be an eye unto them and upon them. They have usually risen in the household by degrees, and it is a noble way, to encourage faithful service: but the king must not bind himself to a necessity herein, for then it will be held ex debito: neither must he alter it, without an apparent cause for it: but to displace any who are in, upon displeasure, which for the most part happeneth upon the information of some great man, is by all means to be avoided, unless there be a manifest cause for it.
5. In these things you may sometimes interpose, to do just and good offices; but for the general, I should rather advise, meddle little, but leave the ordering of those household affairs to the whitestaffs, which are those honourable persons, to whom it properly bclongeth to be answerable to the king for it; and to those other officers of the green-cloth, who are subordinate to them, as a kind of council, and a court of justice also.
6. Yet for the green-cloth law, take it in the largest sense, I have no opinion of it, farther than it is regulated by the just rules of the common laws of England.
7. Towards the support of his Majesty's own table, and of the prince's, and of his necessary officers, his Majesty hath a good health by purveyance, which justly is due unto him; and, if justly used, is no great burden to the subject; but by the purveyors and other under-officers is many times abused. In many parts of the kingdom, I think, it is already reduced to a certainty in money; and if it be indifferently and discreetly managed, it would be no hard matter to settle it so throughout the whole kingdom; yet to be renewed from time to time: for that will be the best and safest, both for the king and people.
8. The king must be put in mind to preserve the
revenues of his crown, both certain and casual, without diminution, and to lay up treasure in store against a time of extremity; empty coffers give an ill sound, and make the people many times forget their duty, thinking that the king must be beholden to them for his supplies.
9. I shall by no means think it fit, that he reward any of his servants with the benefit of forfeitures, either by fines in the court of Star-chamber, or high commission courts, or other courts of justice, or that they should be farmed out, or bestowed upon any, so much as by promise, before judgment given; it would neither be profitable nor honourable.
10. Besides matters of serious consideration, in the courts of princes, there must be times for pastimes and disports: when there is a queen and ladies of honour attending her, there must sometimes be masques,'and revels, and interludes; and when there is no queen, or princess, as now, yet at festivals, and for entertainment of strangers, or upon such occasions, they may be fit also: yet care would be taken, that in such cases they be set off more with wit and activity than with costly and wasteful expenses.
11. But for the king and prince, and the lords and chivalry of the court, I rather commend, in their turns and seasons, the riding of the great horse, the tilts, the barriers, tennis, and hunting, which are more for the health and strength of those who exercise them, than in an effeminate way to please themselves and others.
And now the prince groweth up fast to be a man. and is of a sweet and excellent disposition; it would be an irreparable stain and dishonour upon you, having that access unto him, if you should mislead him, or suffer him to be misled by any loose or flattering parasites: the whole kingdom hath a deep interest in his virtuous education; and if you, keeping that distance which is fit, do humbly interpose yourself, in such a case he will one day give you thanks for it.
12. Yet dice and cards may sometimes be used for recreation, when field-sports cannot be had; but not to use it as a mean to spend the time, much less to mispend the thrift of the gamesters.
Sir, I shall trouble you no longer: I have run over these things as I first propounded them; please you to make use of them, or any of them, as you shall see occasion; or to lay them by, as you shall think best, and to add to them, as you daily may, out of your experience.
I must be bold, again, to put you in mind of your present condition; you are in the quality of a centinel; if you sleep, or neglect your charge, you are an undone man, and you may fall much faster than you have risen.
I have but one thing more to mind you of, which nearly concerns yourself; you serve a great and gracious master, and there is a most hopeful young prince, whom you must not desert; it behoves you to carry yourself wisely and evenly between them both: adore not so the rising son, that you forget the father, who raised you to this height; nor be
you so obsequious to the father, that you give just cause to the son to suspect that you neglect him: but carry yourself with that judgment, as, if it be possible, may please and content them both; which, truly, I believe, will be no hard matter for you to do: so may you live long beloved of both.
[If you find in these or any other your observations, which doubtless are much better than these loose collections, any thing which you would have either the father or the son to take to heart, an admonition from a dead author, or a caveat from an
impartial pen, whose aim neither was nor can be taken to be at any particular by design, will prevail more and take better impression than a downright advice; which perhaps may be mistaken as if it were spoken magisterially.
Thus may you live long a happy instrument for your king and country; you shall not be a meteor or a blazing star, but Stella fixa: happy here and more happy hereafter. "Deus manu sufl. te ducat:"] which is the hearty prayer of
Your most obliged and devoted Servant.
ADVERTISEMENT TOUCHING AN HOLY WAR.
WRITTEN IN THE YEAR MDCXXII.
TO THE aiGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD,
LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER, AND COUNSELLOR OF ESTATE TO HIS MAJESTY.
Amongst consultations, it is not the least to represent to a man's self like examples of calamity in others. For examples give a quicker impression than arguments; and besides, they certify us, that which the Scripture also tendereth for satisfaction; "that no new thing is happened unto us." This they do the better, by how much the examples are liker in circumstances to our own case; and more especially if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier than ourselves. For as it savoureth of vanity, to match ourselves highly in our own conceit; so on the other side it is a good sound conclusion, that if our betters have sustained the like events, we have the less cause to be grieved.
In this kind of consolation I have not been wanting to myself, though as a christian, I have tasted, through God's great goodness, of higher remedies. Having therefore, through the variety of my reading, set before me many examples both of ancient and latter times, my thought, I confess, have chiefly stayed upon three particulars, as the most eminent and the most resembling. All three persons that had held chief place of authority in their countries; all three mined, not by war, or by any other disaster, but by justice and sentence, as delinquents and criminals; all three famous writers, insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity is now as to posterity but as a little picture of night-work, remaining amongst the fair and excellent tables of their acts and works: and all three, if that were any thing to the matter, fit examples to quench any man's ambition of rising again; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory, but to their farther ruin and destruction, ending in a violent death. The men were, Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca; persons that I durst not claim affinity with, except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it. When I had cast mine eyes upon these examples, I was carried on farther to observe, how they bid bear their fortunes, and principally, how they did employ their times, being banished, and disabled for public business: to the end that I might learn by them; and that they might be as well my counsellors as my comforters. Whereupon I happened to note how diversely their fortunes wrought upon them; especially in that point at which I did most aim, which was the employing of their times and pens. In Cicero, I saw that during his banishment, which was almost two years, he was so softened and dejected, as he wrote nothing but a few womanish epistles. And yet, in mine opinion, he had least reason of the three to be discouraged: for that although it was judged, and judged by the highest kind of judgment, in form of statute or law, that he should be banished, and his whole estate confiscated and seized, and his houses pulled down, and that it should be highly penal for any man to propound a repeal; yet his case even then had no great blot of ignominy; for it was but a tempest of popularity which overthrew him. Demosthenes contrariwise, though his case was foul, being condemned for briber)', and not simple bribery, but bribery in the nature of treason and disloyalty, yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his fortune, as during his banishment he did much busy himself, and intermeddle with matters of slate; and took upon him to counsel the state, as if he had been still at the helm, by letters; as appears by some epistles of his which are extant, Seneca, indeed, who was condemned for many corruptions and crimes, and banished into a solitary island, kept a mean; and though his pea did not freeze, yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business; but spent his time in writing books of excellent argument and use for all ages; though he might have made better choice, sometimes, of 1 lis dedications.
These examples confirmed me much in a resolution, whereunto I was otherwise inclined, to spend my time wholly in writing; and to put forth that poor talent, or half talent, or what it is, that God hath given me, not as heretofore to particular exchanges, but to banks, or mounts of perpetuity, which will not break. Therefore having not long since set forth a part of my " Instauration;" which is the work, that in mine own judgment, si nunquam fallit imago, I do most esteem; I think to proceed in some new parts thereof. And although I have received from many parts beyond the seas, testimonies touching that work, such as beyond which I could not expect at the first in so abstruse an argument; yet nevertheless I have just cause to doubt, that it flies too high over men's Iliads: I have a purpose therefore, though I break the order of time, to draw it^own to the sense, by some patterns of a "Natural Story and Inquisition." And again, for that my book of " Advancement of Learning" may be some preparative, or key, for the better opening of the "Instauration;" because it exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old; whereas the "Instauration" gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old for taste's sake; I have thought good to procure a translation of that book into the general language, not without great and ample additions, and enrichment thereof, especially in the second book, which handleth the partition of sciences; in such sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the " Instauration," and acquit my promise in that part. Again, because I cannot altogether desert the civil person that I have born; which if I should forget, enough would remember; I have also entered into a work touching Laws, propounding a character of justice in a middle term, between the speculative and reverend discourses of philosophers, and the writings of lawyers, which are tied and obnoxious to their particular laws. And although it be true, that I had a purpose to make a particular digest, or recompilement of the laws of mine own nation; yet because it is a work of assistance, and that which I cannot master by mine own forces and pen, I have laid it aside. Now having in the work of my " Instauration" had in contemplation the general good of men in their very being, and the dowries of nature; and in my work of laws, the general good of men likewise in society, and the dowries of government; I thought in duty I owed somewhat unto my own country, which 1 ever loved; insomuch as although my place hath been far above my desert, yet my thoughts and cares concerning the good thereof were beyond, and over, and above my place: so now being, as I am, no more able to do my country service, it remained unto me to do it honour: which I have endeavoured to do in my work of " The Reign of King Henry the Seventh." As for my "Essays," and some other particulars of that nature, I count them but as the recreations of my other studies, and in that sort purpose to continue them; though I am not ignorant that those kind of writings would, with less pains and embracement, perhaps, yield more lustre and reputation to my name than those other which I have in hand. But I account the use that a man should seek of the publishing of his own writings before his death, to be but an untimely anticipation of that which is proper to follow a man, and not to go along with him.
But revolving with myself my writings, as well those which I have published, as those which I had in hand, methought they went all into the city, and none into the temple; where, because I have found so great consolation, I desire likewise to make some poor oblation. Therefore I have chosen an argument, mixt of religious and civil considerations; and likewise mixt between contemplative and active. For who can tell whether there may not be an exoriere aliquis? Great matters, especially if they lie religious, have, many times, small beginnings: and the platform may draw on the building. This work, because I was ever an enemy to flattering dedications, I have dedicated to your lordship, in respect of our ancient and private acquaintance; and because amongst the men of our times I hold you in special reverence.
Your Lordship's loving Friend,
FR. ST. ALBAN.
THE PERSONS TnAT SPEAK:
EUSEBIUS, GAMALIEL, ZEBEDJEUS, MARTIUS, EUPOLIS, POLLIO.
There met at Paris, in the house of Eupolis, of eminent quality, but of several dispositions. Eo•Eusebius, Zcbedaius, Gamaliel, Martius, all persons polis himself was also present; and while they were
• Characters of the persons. Eusebius bcareth the eha- Zebedwus of a Roman catholic zealot: Martius of a military ractrr of a moderate divine: Gamaliel of a protcstant zealot: man: Eupolis of a politic: Pollio of a courtier.
set in conference, Pollio came in to them from court; and as soon as he saw them, after his witty and pleasant manner, he said,
Pollio. Here be four of you, I think, were able to make a good world; for you are as differing as the four elements, and yet you are friends. As for Eupolis, because he is temperate, and without passion, he may be the fifth essence.
Eupolis. If we five, Pollio, make the great world, you alone make the little; because you profess, and practise both, to refer all things to yourself. Pollio. And what do they that practise it, and profess it not? Eupolis. They are the less hardy, and the more dangerous. But come and sit down with us, for we were speaking of the affairs of Christendom at this day; wherein we would be glad also to have your opinion. Pollio. My lords, I have journeyed this morning, and it is now the heat of the day; therefore your lordships' discourses had need content my ears very well, to make them entreat mine eyes to keep open. But yet if you will give me leave to awake you, when I think your discourses do but sleep, I will keep watch the best I can. Eupolis. You cannot do us a greater favour. Only I fear you will think all our discourses to be but the better sort of dreams; for good wishes without power to effect, are not much more. But, Sir, when you came in, Martius had both raised our attentions, and affected us with some speech he had begun; and it falleth out well, to shake off your drowsiness; for it seemed to be the trumpet of a war. And therefore, Martius, if it please you, to begin again; for the speech was such, us deserveth to be heard twice; and I assure you, your auditory is not a little amended by the presence of Pollio. Martius. When you came in, Pollio, I was saying freely to these lords, that I had observed, how by the space now of half a century of years, there had been, if I may speak it, a kind of meanness in the designs and enterprises of Christendom. Wars with subjects, like an angry suit for a man's own, that might be better ended by accord. Some petty acquests of a town, or a spot of territory; like a farmer's purchase'of a close or nook of ground, that lay fit for him. And although the wars had been for a Naples, or a Milan, or a Portugal, or a Bohemia, yet these wars were but as the wars of heathens, of Athens, or Sparta, or Rome, for secular interest, or ambition, not worthy the warfare of christians. The church, indeed, maketh her missions into the extreme parts of the nations and isles, and it is well: but this is "Ecce nnus gladius hie." The christian princes and potentates are Ihey that are wanting to the propagation of the faith by their arms. Yet, our Lord, that said on earth, to the disciples, " Ite et predicate," said from heaven to Constantine, "In hoc signo vince." What christian soldier is there that will not be touched with a religious emulation to see an order of Jesus, or of St. Francis, or of St. Augustine, do such service, for enlarging the christian borders; and an order of St. Jago, or St. Michael, or St. George, only to robe, and feast, and perform rites and observances? Surely the merchants themselves shall rise in judgment against the
princes and nobles of Europe; for they have made a great path in the seas, unto the ends of the world; and set forth ships, and forces, of Spanish, English, and Dutch, enough to make China tremble: and all this, for pearl, or stone, or spices: but for the pearl of the kingdom of heaven, or the stones of the heavenly Jerusalem, or the spices of the spouse's garden, not a mast hath been set up: nay, they can make shift to shed christian blood so far off amongst themselves, and not a drop for the cause of Christ. But let me recall myself; I must acknowledge, that within the space of fifty years, whereof I spake, there have been three noble and memorable actions upon the infidels, wherein the christian hath been the invader: for where it is upon the defensive, I reckon it a war of nature, and not of piety. The first was, that famous and fortunate war by sea, that ended in the victory of Lepanto; which hath put a hook into the nostrils of the Ottomans to this day; which was the work chiefly of that excellent pope Pius Quintus, whom I wonder his successors have not declared a saint. The second was, the noble, though unfortunate, expedition of Sebastian king of Portugal upon Africa, which was achieved by him alone; so alone, as left somewhat for others to excuse. The last was, the brave incursions of Sigismund the Transylvanian prince, the thread of whose prosperity was cut off by the christians themselves, contrary to the worthy and paternal monitories of pope Clement the eighth. More than these, I do not remember. Pollio, No! What say you to the extirpation of the Moors of Valentia? At which sudden question, Martius was a little at a stop; and Gamaliel prevented him, and said: Gamaliel. I think Martius did well in omitting that action, for I, for my part, never approved it; and it seems, God was not well pleased with that deed; for you see the king, in whose time it passed, whom you catholics count a saint-like and immaculate prince, was taken away in the flower of his age: and the author, and great counsellor of that rigour, whose fortunes seemed to be built upon the rock, is ruined: and it is thought by some, that the reckonings of that business are not yet cleared with Spain; for that numbers of those supposed Moors, being tried now by their exile, continue constant in the faith, and true christians in all points, save in the thirst of revenge. Zebed. Make not hasty judgment, Gamaliel, of that great action, which was as Christ's fan in those countries, except you could show some such covenant from the crown of Spain, as Joshua made with the Gibeonites; that that cursed seed should continue in the land. And you see it was done by edict, not tumultuously; the sword was not put into the people's hand. Eupol. I think Martius did omit it, not as making any judgment of it either way, but because it sorted not aptly with action of war, being upon subjects, and without resistance. But let us, if you think good, give Martius leave to proceed in his discourse; for methought he spake like a divine in armour. Martius. It is true, Eupolis, that the principal object which I have before mine eyes, in that whereof I speak, is piety and religion. But, nevertheless, if I should speak only as a natural man, I should persuade the same thing. For there is no such enterprise, at this day, for secular greatness, and terrene honour, as a war upon infidels. Neither do I in this propound a novelty, or imagination, but that which is proved by late examples of the same kind, though perhaps of less difficulty. The Castilians, the age before that wherein we live, opened the new world; and subdued and planted Mexico, Peru, Chili, and other parts of the West Indies. We see what floods of treasure have flowed into Europe by that action; so that the cense or rates of Christendom are raised since ten times, yea twenty times told. Of this treasure, it is true, the gold was accumulate, and store treasure, for the most part; but the silver is still growing. Besides, infinite is the access of territory and empire, by the same enterprise. For there was never a hand drawn, that did double the rest of the habitable world, before this: for so a man may truly term it, if he shall put to account, as well that that is, as that which may be hereafter, by the farther occupation and colonizing of those countries. And yet it cannot be affirmed, if one speak ingenuously, that it was the propagation of the christian faith that was the adamant of that discovery, entry, and plantation; but gold and silver, and temporal profit and glory: so that what was first in God's providence, was but second in man's appetite and intention. The like may be said of the famous navigations and conquests of Emanuel, king of Portugal, whose arms began to circle Afric and Asia; and to acquire, not only the trade of spices, and stones, and musk, and drugs, but footing, and places, in those extreme parts of the east. For neither in this was religion the principal, but amplification and enlargement of riches anddominion. And the effect of these two enterprises is now such, that both the East and the West Indies being met in the crown of Spain, it is come to pass, that, as one saith in a brave kind of expression, the sun ne.ver sets in the Spanish dominions, but ever shines upon one part or other of them: which, to say truly, is a beam of glory, though I cannot say it is so solid a body of glory, wherein the crown of Spain surpasseth all the former monarchies. So as, to conclude, we may see, that in these actions, upon gentiles or infidels, only or chiefly, both the spiritual and temporal honour and good have been in one pursuit and purchase conjoined. Pollio. Methinks, with your favour, you should remember, Martius, that wild and savage people are like beasts and birds, which are fera natura, the property of which passeth with the possession, and goeth to the occupant; but of civil people, it is not so. Martius. I know no such difference amongst reasonable souls j but that whatsoever is in order to the greatest and most general good of people, may justify the action, be the people more or less civil. But, Eupolis, I shall not easily grant, that the people of Peru or Mexico were such brute savages as you intend; or that there should be any such difference between them, and many of the infidels which are now in other parts. In Peru, though they were unappareled people, according to the clime, and had some
customs very barbarous, yet the government of the Incas had many parts of humanity and civility. They had reduced the nations from the adoration of a multitude of idols and fancies, to the adoration of the sun. And, as I remember, the book of Wisdom noteth degrees of idolatry; making that of worshipping petty and vile idols more gross than simply the worshipping of the creature. And some of the prophets, as I take it, do the like, in the metaphor of more ugly and bestial fornication. The Peruvians also, under the Incas, had magnificent temples of their superstition; they had strict and regular justice; they bare great faith and obedience to their kings; they proceeded in a kind of martial justice with their enemies, offering them their law, as better for their own good, before they drew their sword. And much like was the state of Mexico, being an elective monarchy. As for those people of the east, Goa, Calacute, Malacca, they were a fine and dainty people; frugal and yet elegant, though not military. So that, if things be rightly weighed, the empire of the Turks may be truly affirmed to be more barbarous than any of these. A cruel tyranny, bathed in the blood of their emperors upon every succession; a heap of vassals and slaves; no nobles; no gentlemen; no freemen; no inheritance of land; no styrp or ancient families; a people that is without natural affection; and as the Scripture saith, that "regardeth not the desires of women j" and without piety or care towards their children: a nation without morality, without letters, arts, or sciences; that can scarce measure an acre of land, or an hour of the day: base and sluttish in buildings, diets, and the like; and in a word, a very reproach of human society: and yet this nation hath made the garden of the world a wilderness; for that, as it is truly said concerning the Turks, where Ottoman's horse sets his foot, people will come up very thin.
Pollio. Yet in the midst of your invective, Martius, do the Turks this right, as to remember that they are no idolaters: for if, as you say, there be a difference between worshipping a base idol, and the sun, there is a much greater difference between worshipping a creature, and the Creator. For the Turks do acknowledge God the Father, Creator of heaven and earth, being the first person in the Trinity, though they deny the rest. At which speech, when Martius made some pause, Zebedaeus replied with a countenance of great reprehension and severity. Zebed. We must take heed, Pollio, that we fall not unawares into the heresy of Manuel Comnenns emperor of Grsecia, who affirmed that Mahomet's God was the true God; which opinion was not only rejected and condemned by the synod, but imputed to the emperor as extreme madness; being reproached to him also by the bishop of Thessalonica, in those bitter 8nd strange words, as are not to be named. Martius. I confess that it is my opinion, that a war upon the Turk is more worthy than upon any other gentiles, infidels, or savages, that either have been, or now are, both in point of religion, and in point of honour; though facility, and hope of success, might, perhaps, invite some