for bribery, and not simple bribery, but bribery in the nature of treason and disloyalty, yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his fortune, as during his banishment he did much busy himself, and intermeddle with matters of state; and took upon him to counsel the state, as if he had been still at the helm, by letters; as appears by some epistles of his which are extant. Seneca, indeed, who was condemned for many corruptions and crimes, and banished into a solitary island, kept a mean; and though his pen did not freeze, yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business; but spent his time in writing books of excellent argument and use for all ages; though he might have made better choice, sometimes, of his dedications.

These examples confirmed me much in a resolution, whereunto I was otherwise inclined, to spend my time wholly in writing; and to put forth that poor talent, or half talent, or what it is, that God hath given me, not as heretofore to particular exchanges, but to banks, or mounts of perpetuity, which will not break. Therefore having not long since set forth a part of my "Instauration ;" which is the work, that in mine own judgment, si nunquam fallit imago, I do most esteem; I think to proceed in some new parts thereof. And although I have received from many parts beyond the seas, testimonies touching that work, such as beyond which I could not expect at the first in so abstruse an argument; yet nevertheless I have just cause to doubt, that it flies too high over men's heads: I have a purpose therefore, though I break the order of time, to draw it down to the sense, by some patterns of a "Natural Story and Inquisition." And again, for that my book of "Advancement of Learning" may be some preparative, or key, for the better opening of the "Instauration;" because it exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old; whereas the "Instauration" gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old for taste's sake; I have thought good to procure a translation of that book into the general language, not without great and ample additions, and enrichment thereof, especially in the second book, which handleth the partition of sciences; in such sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the "Instauration,” and acquit my promise in that part. Again, because I cannot altogether desert the civil person that I have born; which if I should forget, enough would remember; I have also entered into a work touching Laws, propounding a character of justice in a middle term, between the speculative and reverend discourses of philosophers, and the writings of lawyers, which are tied and obnoxious to their particular laws. And although it be true, that I had a purpose to make a particular digest, or recompilement of the laws of mine own nation; yet because it is a work of assistance, and that which I cannot master by mine own forces and pen, I have laid it aside. Now having in the work of my "Instauration" had in contemplation the general good of men in their very being, and the dowries of nature; and in my work of laws, the general good of men likewise in society, and the dowries of government; I thought in duty I owed somewhat unto my own country, which I ever loved; insomuch as although my place hath been far above my desert, yet my thoughts and cares concerning the good thereof were beyond, and over, and above my place: so now being, as I am, no more able to do my country service, it remained unto me to do it honour: which I have endeavoured to do in my work of "The Reign of King Henry the Seventh." As for my "Essays," and some other particulars of that nature, I count them but as the recreations of my other studies, and in that sort purpose to continue them; though I am not ignorant that those kind of writings would, with less pains and embracement, perhaps, yield more lustre and reputation to my name than those other which I have in hand. But I account the use that a man should seek of the publishing of his own writings before his death, to be but an untimely anticipation of that which is proper to follow a man, and not to go along with him.

But revolving with myself my writings, as well those which I have published, as those which I had in hand, methought they went all into the city, and none into the temple; where, because I have found so great consolation, I desire likewise to make some poor oblation. Therefore I have chosen an argument, mixt of religious and civil considerations; and likewise mixt between contemplative and active. For who can tell whether there may not be an exoriere aliquis? Great matters, especially if they be religious, have, many times, small beginnings and the platform may draw on the building. This work, because I was ever an enemy to flattering dedications, I have dedicated to your lordship, in respect of our ancient and private acquaintance; and because amongst the men of our times I hold you in special Your Lordship's loving Friend,

reverence.

FR. ST. ALBAN.

THE PERSONS THAT SPEAK:

EUSEBIUS, GAMALIEL, ZEBEDÆUS, MARTIUS, EUPOLIS, POLLIO.

THERE met at Paris, in the house of Eupolis, *Eusebius, Zebedæus, Gamaliel, Martius, all persons Characters of the persons. Eusebius beareth the character of a moderate divine: Gamaliel of a protestant zealot:

Eu

of eminent quality, but of several dispositions.
polis himself was also present; and while they were
Zebedæus of a Roman catholic zealot: Martius of a military
man: Eupolis of a politic: Pollio of a courtier.

|

customs very barbarous, yet the government of the Incas had many parts of humanity and civility. They had reduced the nations from the adoration of a multitude of idols and fancies, to the adoration of the sun. And, as I remember, the book of Wisdom noteth degrees of idolatry; making that of worshipping petty and vile idols more gross than simply the worshipping of the creature. And some of the prophets, as I take it, do the like, in the metaphor of more ugly and bestial fornication. The Peruvians also, under the Incas, had magnificent temples of their superstition; they had strict and regular justice; they bare great faith and obedience to their kings; they proceeded in a kind of martial justice with their enemies, offering them their law, as better for their own good, before they drew their sword. And much like was the state of Mexico, being an elective monarchy. As for those people of the east, Goa, Calacute, Malacca, they were a fine and dainty people; frugal and yet elegant, though not military. So that, if things be rightly weighed, the empire of the Turks may be truly affirmed to be more barbarous than any of these. A cruel tyranny, bathed in the blood of their emperors upon every succession; a heap of vassals and slaves; no nobles; no gentlemen; no freemen; no inheritance of land; no styrp or ancient families; a people that is without natural affection; and as the Scripture saith, that “regardeth not the desires of women;" and without piety or care towards their children: a nation without morality, without letters, arts, or sciences; that can scarce measure an acre of land, or an hour of the day: base and sluttish in buildings, diets, and the like; and in a word, a very reproach of human society: and yet this nation hath made the garden of the world a wilderness; for that, as it is truly said concerning the Turks, where Ottoman's horse sets his foot, people will come up very thin.

only as a natural man, I should persuade the same thing. For there is no such enterprise, at this day, for secular greatness, and terrene honour, as a war upon infidels. Neither do I in this propound a novelty, or imagination, but that which is proved by late examples of the same kind, though perhaps of less difficulty. The Castilians, the age before that wherein we live, opened the new world; and subdued and planted Mexico, Peru, Chili, and other parts of the West Indies. We see what floods of treasure have flowed into Europe by that action; so that the cense or rates of christendom are raised since ten times, yea twenty times told. Of this treasure, it is true, the gold was accumulate, and store treasure, for the most part; but the silver is still growing. Besides, infinite is the access of territory and empire, by the same enterprise. For there was never a hand drawn, that did double the rest of the habitable world, before this: for so a man may truly term it, if he shall put to account, as well that that is, as that which may be hereafter, by the farther occupation and colonizing of those countries. And yet it cannot be affirmed, if one speak ingenuously, that it was the propagation of the christian faith that was the adamant of that discovery, entry, and plantation; but gold and silver, and temporal profit and glory: so that what was first in God's providence, was but second in man's appetite and intention. The like may be said of the famous navigations and conquests of Emanuel, king of Portugal, whose arms began to circle Afric and Asia; and to acquire, not only the trade of spices, and stones, and musk, and drugs, but footing, and places, in those extreme parts of the east. For neither in this was religion the principal, but amplification and enlargement of riches and dominion. And the effect of these two enterprises is now such, that both the East and the West Indies being met in the crown of Spain, it is come to pass, that, as one saith in a brave kind of expression, the sun never sets in the Spanish dominions, but ever shines upon one part or other of them: which, to say truly, is a beam of glory, though I cannot say it is so solid a body of glory, wherein the crown of Spain surpasseth all the former monarchies. So as, to conclude, we may see, that in these actions, upon gentiles or infidels, only or chiefly, both the spiritual and temporal honour and good have been in one pursuit and purchase conjoined. Pollio. Methinks, with your favour, you should remember, Martius, that wild and savage people are like beasts and birds, which are feræ natura, the property of which passeth with the possession, and goeth to the occupant; but of civil people, it is not so. Martius. I know no such difference amongst reasonable souls; but that whatsoever is in order to the greatest and most general good of people, may justify the action, be the people more or less civil. But, Eupolis, Inica, in those bitter and strange words, as are not shall not easily grant, that the people of Peru or Mexico were such brute savages as you intend; or that there should be any such difference between them, and many of the infidels which are now in other parts. In Peru, though they were unappareled people, according to the clime, and had some

Pollio. Yet in the midst of your invective, Martius, do the Turks this right, as to remember that they are no idolaters: for if, as you say, there be a difference between worshipping a base idol, and the sun, there is a much greater difference between worshipping a creature, and the Creator. For the Turks do acknowledge God the Father, Creator of heaven and earth, being the first person in the Trinity, though they deny the rest. At which speech, when Martius made some pause, Zebedæus replied with a countenance of great reprehension and severity. Zebed. We must take heed, Pollio, that we fall not unawares into the heresy of Manuel Comnenus emperor of Græcia, who affirmed that Mahomet's God was the true God; which opinion was not only rejected and condemned by the synod, but imputed to the emperor as extreme madness; being reproached to him also by the bishop of Thessalo

to be named. Martius. I confess that it is my opinion, that a war upon the Turk is more worthy than upon any other gentiles, infidels, or savages, that either have been, or now are, both in point of religion, and in point of honour; though facility, and hope of success, might, perhaps, invite some

Pollio. You take me right, Eupolis, for I am of opinion, that except you could bray christendom in a mortar, and mould it into a new paste, there is no possibility of an holy war. And I was ever of opinion, that the philosophers' stone, and an holy war, were but the rendezvous of cracked brains, that wore their feather in their head instead of their hat. Nevertheless, believe me of courtesy, that if you five

heard what I can say, I shall be ready to certify with Hippocrates, that Athens is mad, and Democritus is only sober. And, lest you should take me for altogether adverse, I will frankly contribute to the business now at first. Ye, no doubt, will amongst you devise and discourse many solemn matters: but do as I shall tell you. This pope is decrepit, and the bell goeth for him. Take order, that when he is dead, there be chosen a pope of fresh years, between fifty and threescore; and see that he take the name of Urban, because a pope of that name did first institute the croisado, and as with an holy trumpet, did stir up the voyage for the Holy Land, Eupolis. You say well; but be, I pray you, a little more serious in this conference.

other choice. But before I proceed, both myself | they agreed to defer it till the next morning. Only would be glad to take some breath; and I shall Pollio said: frankly desire, that some of your lordships would take your turn to speak, that can do it better. But chiefly, for that I see here some that are excellent interpreters of the divine law, though in several ways; and that I have reason to distrust mine own judgment, both as weak in itself, and as that which may be overborne by my zeal and affection to this cause. I think it were an error to speak farther, till I may see some sound foundation laid of the law-shall be of another mind, especially after you have fulness of the action, by them that are better versed in that argument. Eupolis. I am glad, Martius, to see in a person of your profession so great moderation, in that you are not transported in an action that warms the blood, and is appearing holy, to blanch or take for admitted the point of lawfulness. And because, methinks, this conference prospers, if your lordships will give me leave, I will make some motion touching the distribution of it into parts. Unto which when they all assented, Eupolis said: Eupolis. I think it would not sort amiss, if Zebedæus would be pleased to handle the question, Whether a war for the propagation of the christian faith, without other cause of hostility, be lawful or no, and in what cases? I confess also I would be glad to go a little farther, and to hear it spoken to concerning the lawfulness, not only permissively, but whether it be not obligatory to christian princes and states to design it; which part, if it please Gamaliel to undertake, the point of the lawfulness taken simply will be complete. Yet there resteth the comparative: that is, it being granted, that it is either lawful or binding, yet whether other things be not to be preferred before it; as extirpation of heresies, reconcilements of schisms, pursuit of lawful temporal rights and quarrels, and the like; and how far this enterprise ought either to wait upon these other maters, or to be mingled with them, or to pass by them, and give law to them, as inferior unto itself? And because this is a great part, and Eusebius hath yet said nothing, we will by way of mulctations, that the entering near hand into the manner or pain, if your lordships think good, lay it upon him. All this while, I doubt much that Pollio, who hath a sharp wit of discovery towards what is solid and real, and what is specious and airy, will esteem all this but impossibilities, and eagles in the clouds: and therefore we shall all entreat him to crush this argument with his best forces; that by the light we shall take from him, we may either cast it away, if it be found but a bladder, or discharge it of so much as is vain and not sperable. And because I confess I myself am not of that opinion, although it be a hard encounter to deal with Pollio, yet I shall do my best to prove the enterprise possible; and to show how all impediments may be either removed or overcome. And then it will be fit for Martius, if we do not desert it before, to resume his farther discourse, as well for the persuasive, as for the consult, touching the means, preparations, and all that may conduce unto the enterprise. But this is but my wish, your lordships will put it into better order. They all not only allowed the distribution, but accepted the parts: but because the day was spent,

The next day the same persons met as they had appointed; and after they were set, and that there had passed some sporting speeches from Pollio, how the war was already begun; for that, he said, he had dreamt of nothing but Janizaries, and Tartars, and Sultans all the night long: Martius said: Martius. The distribution of this conference, which was made by Eupolis yesternight, and was by us approved, seemeth to me perfect, save in one point; and that is, not in the number, but in the placing of the parts. For it is so disposed, that Pollio and Eupolis shall debate the possibility or impossibility of the action, before I shall deduce the particulars of the means and manner by which it is to be achieved. Now I have often observed in deliber

of performance, and execution of that which is under deliberation, hath quite overturned the opinion formerly conceived, of the possibility or impossibility. So that things, that at the first show seemed possible, by ripping up the performance of them, have been convicted of impossibility; and things that on the other side have showed impossible, by the declaration of the means to effect them, as by a back light, have appeared possible, the way through them being discerned. This I speak not to alter the order, but only to desire Pollio and Eupolis not to speak peremptorily, or conclusively touching the point of possibility, till they have heard me deduce the means of the execution: and that done, to reserve themselves at liberty for a reply, after they had before them, as it were, a model of the enterprise. This grave and solid advertisement and caution of Martius was commended by them all. Whereupon Eupolis said: Eupolis. Since Martius hath begun to refine that which was yesternight resolved; I may the better have leave, especially in the mending of a proposition, which was

mine own, to remember an omission which is more than a misplacing. For I doubt we ought to have added or inserted into the point of lawfulness, the question, how far an holy war is to be pursued, whether to displanting and extermination of people? And again, whether to enforce a new belief, and to vindicate or punish infidelity; or only to subject the countries and people; and so by the temporal sword to open a door for the spiritual sword to enter, by persuasion, instruction, and such means as are proper for souls and consciences? But it may be, neither is this necessary to be made a part by itself; for that Zebedæus, in his wisdom, will fall into it as an incident to the point of lawfulness, which cannot be handled without limitations and distinctions. Zebedeus. You encourage me, Eupolis, in that I perceive, how in your judgment, which I do so much esteem, I ought to take that course, which of myself I was purposed to do. For as Martius noted well, that it is but a loose thing to speak of possibilities, without the particular designs; so is it to speak of lawfulness without the particular cases. I will therefore first of all distinguish the cases; though you shall give me leave, in the handling of them, not to sever them with too much preciseness; for both it would cause needless length, and we are not now in arts or methods, but in a conference. It is therefore first to be put to question in general, as Eupolis propounded it, whether it be lawful for christian princes or states to make an invasive war, only and simply for the propagation of the faith, without other cause of hostility, or circumstance that may provoke and induce the war?

that others are men? But there is a point that precedeth all these points recited; nay, and in a manner dischargeth them, in the particular of a war against the Turk which point, I think, would not have come into my thought, but that Martius giving us yesterday a representation of the empire of the Turks, with no small vigour of words, which you, Pollio, called an invective, but was indeed a true charge, did put me in mind of it: and the more I think upon it, the more I settle in opinion, that a war to suppress that empire, though we set aside the cause of religion, were a just war. After Zebedæus had said this, he made a pause, to see whether any of the rest would say any thing: but when he perceived nothing but silence, and signs of attention to that he would farther say, he proceeded thus:

Zebedeus. Your lordships will not look for a treatise from me, but a speech of consultation; and in that brevity and manner will I speak. First, I shall agree, that as the cause of a war ought to be just, so the justice of that cause ought to be evident; not obscure, not scrupulous. For by the consent of all laws, in capital causes, the evidence must be full and clear and if so where one man's life is in question, what say we to a war, which is ever the sentence of death upon many? We must beware therefore how we make a Moloch, or a heathen idol, of our blessed Saviour, in sacrificing the blood of men to him by an unjust war. The justice of every action consisteth in the merits of the cause, the warrant of the jurisdiction, and the form of the prosecution. As for the inward intention, I leave it Secondly, Whether, it being made part of the to the court of heaven. 'Of these things severally, as case, that the countries were once christian, and they may have relation to the present subject of a members of the church, and where the golden candle- war against infidels and namely, against the most sticks did stand, though now they be utterly alienated, potent and most dangerous enemy of the faith, the and no christians left; it be not lawful to make a Turk. I hold, and I doubt not but I shall make it war to restore them to the church, as an ancient plain, as far as a sum or brief can make a cause patrimony of Christ? Thirdly, if it be made a far- plain, that a war against the Turk is lawful, both ther part of the case, that there are yet remaining by the laws of nature and nations, and by the law in the countries multitudes of christians, whether it divine, which is the perfection of the other two. As be not lawful to make a war to free them, and for the laws positive and civil of the Romans, or deliver them from the servitude of the infidels? others whatsoever, they are too small engines to Fourthly, whether it be not lawful to make a war move the weight of this question. And therefore, for the purging and recovery of consecrated places, in my judgment, many of the late schoolmen, though being now polluted and profaned; as the holy city excellent men, take not the right way in disputing and sepulchre, and such other places of principal this question; except they had the gift of Navius, adoration and devotion? Fifthly, whether it be not that they could, "cotem novacula scindere," hew lawful to make a war for the revenge or vindication stones with pen-knives. First, for the law of of blasphemies and reproaches against the Deity nature. The philosopher Aristotle is no ill interand our blessed Saviour; or for the effusion of preter thereof. He hath set many men on work christian blood, and cruelties against christians, with a witty speech of natura dominus, and natura though ancient and long since past; considering servus; affirming expressly and positively, that from that God's visits are without limitation of time; and the very nativity some things are born to rule, and many times do but expect the fulness of the sin? some things to obey: which oracle hath been taken Sixthly, it is to be considered, as Eupolis now last in divers senses. Some have taken it for a speech well remembered, whether a holy war, which, as in of ostentation, to entitle the Grecians to an empire the worthiness of the quarrel, so in the justness of over the barbarians; which indeed was better mainthe prosecution, ought to exceed all temporal wars, tained by his scholar Alexander. Some have taken may be pursued, either to the expulsion of people, it for a speculative platform, that reason and nature or the enforcement of consciences, or the like ex- would that the best should govern; but not in any tremities; or how to be moderated and limited; wise to create a right. But for my part, I take it lest while we remember we are christians, we forget | neither for a brag, nor for a wish; but for a truth