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as he limiteth it. For he saith, that if there can be found such an inequality between man and man, as there is between man and beast, or between soul and body, it investeth a right of government: which seemeth rather an impossible case than an untrue sentence. But I hold both the judgment true, and the case possible ; and such as hath had, and hath a being, both in particular men and nations. But ere we go farther, let us confine ambiguities and mistakings, that they trouble us not. First, to say that the more capable, or the better deserver, hath such right to govern, as he may compulsorily bring under the less worthy, is idle. Men will never agree upon it. who is the more worthy. For it is not only in order of nature, for him to govern that is the more intelligent, as Aristotle would have it; but there is no less required for government, courage to protect; and above all, honesty and probity of the will to abstain from injury. So fitness to govern is a perplexed business. Some men, some nations, excel in the one ability, some in the other. Therefore the position which I intend, is not in the comparative, that the wiser, or the stouter, or the juster nation should govern; but in the privative, that where there is a heap of people, though we term it a kingdom or state, that is altogether unable or indign to govern ; there it is a just cause of war for another nation, that is civil or policed, to subdue them: and this, though it were to be done by a Cyrus or a Cesar, that were no christian. The second mis-' taking to be banished is, that I understand not this of a personal tyranny, as was the state of Rome under a Caligula, or a Nero, or a Commodus: «hall the nation suffer for that wherein they suffer? But when the constitution of the state, and the fundamental customs and laws of the same, if laws they may be called, are against the laws of nature and nations, then, I say, a war upon them is lawful. I shall divide the question into three parts. First, whether there be, or may be any nation -or society of men, against whom it is lawful to make a war, without a precedent injury or provocation? Secondly, what are those breaches of the law of nature and nations, which do forfeit and divest all right and title in a nation to govern? And thirdly, whether those breaches of the law of nature and nations be found in any nation at this day; and namely, in the empire of the Ottomans? For the first, I hold it clear that such nations, or states, or societies of people, there may be and are. There cannot be a better ground laid to declare this, than to look into the original donation of government. Observe it well, especially the inducement, or preface. Saith God: "Let us make man after our own image, and let him have dominion over the fishes of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and the beasts of the land," &c. Hereupon De Victoria, and with him some others, infer excellently, and extract a most true and divine aphorism, "Non fundatur dominium, nisi in imagine Dei." Here we have the charter of foundation: it is now the more easy to judge of the forfeiture or reseizure. Deface the image, and you divest the right. But what is this image, and how is it defaced? The poor men of Lyons, and some
fanatical spirits, will tell you, that the image of God is purity; and the defacement, sin. But this subverteth all government: neither did Adam's sin, or the curse upon it, deprive him of his rule, but left the creatures to a rebellion or reluctation. And therefore if you note it attentively, when this charter was renewed unto Noah and his sons, it is not by the words, " You shall have dominion;" but "Your fear shall be upon all the beasts of the land, and the birds of the air, and all that moveth:" not regranting the sovereignty, which stood firm; and protecting it against the reluctation. The sound interpreters therefore expound this image of God, of natural reason; which if it be totally or mostly defaced, the right of government doth cease; and if you mark all the interpreters well, still they doubt of the case, and not of the law. But this is properly to be spoken to in handling the second point, when we shall define of the defacements. To go on: The prophet Hosea, in the person of God, said of the Jews; "They have reigned, but not by me; they have set a seigniory over themselves, but I knew nothing of it." Which place proveth plainly, that there are governments which God doth not avow. For though they be ordained by his secret providence, yet they are not acknowledged by his revealed will. Neither can this be meant of evil governors or tyrants: for they are often avowed and established as lawful potentates; but of some perverseness and defection in the very nation itself; which appeareth most manifestly in that the prophet speaketh of the seigniory in abstracto, and not of the person of the Lord. And although some heretics of those we speak of have abused this text, yet the sun is not soiled in passage. And again, if any man infer upon the words of the prophet following, which declare this rejection, and, to use the words of the text, rescission of their estate to have been for their idolatry, that by this reason the governments of all idolatrous nations should be also dissolved, which is manifestly untrue, in my judgment it followeth not. For the idolatry of the Jews then, and the idolatry of the heathen then and now, are sins of a far differing nature, in regard of the special covenant, and the clear manifestations wherein God did contract and exhibit himself to that nation. This nullity of policy, and right of estate in some nations, is yet more significantly expressed by Moses in his canticle; in the person of God to the Jews: "Ye have incensed me with gods that are no gods, and I will incense you with a people that are no people:" such as were, no doubt, the people of Canaan, after seisin was given of the land of promise to the Israelites. For from that time their right to the land was dissolved, though they remained in many places unconquered. By this we may see, that there are nations in name, that are no nations in right, but multitudes only, and swarms of people. For like as there are particular persons outlawed and proscribed by civil laws of several countries; so are there nations that are outlawed and proscribed by the law of nature and nations, or by the immediate commandment of God. And as there are kings de facto, and not de jure, in respect of the nullity of their title; so are there nations that are occupants de facto, and not de jure, of their territories, in respect of the nullity of their policy or government. But let us take in some examples into the midst of our proofs; for they will prove as much as put after, and illustrate more. It was never doubted, but a war upon pirates may be lawfully made by any nation, though not infested or violated by them. Is it because they have not certas sedes or lares? In the piratical war which was achieved by Pompey the Great, and was his truest and greatest glory, the pirates had some cities, sundry ports, and a great part of the province of Cilicia; and the pirates now being, have a receptacle and mansion in Algiers. Beasts are not less savage because they have dens. Is it because the danger hovers as a cloud, that a man cannot tell where it will fall; and so it is every man's case? The reason is good, but it is not all, nor that which is most alleged. For the true received reason is, that pirates are communes humani generis hostes; whom all nations are to prosecute, not so much in the right of theirown fears, as upon the band of human society. For as there are formal and written leagues, respective, to certain enemies; so is there a natural and tacit confederation amongst all men, against the common enemy of human society. So as there needs no intimation, or denunciation of the war; there needs no request from the nation grieved: but all these formalities the law of nature supplies in the case of pirates. The same is the case of rovers by land; such as yet are some cantons in Arabia, and some petty kings of the mountains, adjacent to straits and ways. Neither is it lawful only for the neighbour princes to destroy such pirates or rovers, but if there were any nation never so far off, that would make it an enterprise of merit and true glory, as the Romans that made a war for the liberty of Grrecia from a distant and remote part, no doubt they might do it. I make the same judgment of that kingdom of the assassins now destroyed, which was situate upon the borders of Saraca; and was for a time a great terror to all the princes of the Levant. There the custom was, that upon the commandment of their king, and a blind oberlience to be given thereunto, any of them was to undertake, in the nature of a votary, the insidious murder of any prince, or person, upon whom the commandment went. This custom, without all question, made their whole government void, as an engine built against human society, worthy by all men to be fired and pulled down. I say the like of the anabaptists of Munster; and this, although they had not been rebels to the empire; and put case likewise that they had done no mischief at all actually, yet if there shall be a congregation and consent of people, that shall hold all things to be lawful, not according to any certain laws or rules, but according to the secret and variable motions and instincts of the spirit; this is indeed no nation, no people, no seigniory, that God doth know; any nation that is civil and policed, may, if they will not be reduced, cut them off from the face of the earth. Now let me put a feigned case, and yet antiquity makes it doubtful whether it was fic
tion or history, of a land of Amazons, where the whole government public and private, yea, the militia itself, was in the hands of women. I demand, is not such a preposterous government, against the first order of nature, for women to rule over men, in itself void, and to be suppressed? I speak not of the reign of women, for that is supplied by counsel, and subordinate magistrates masculine, but where the regiment of state, justice, families, is all managed by women. And yet this last case differeth from the other before, because in the rest there is terror of danger, but in this there is only error of nature. Neither should I make any great difficulty to affirm the same of the sultanr/of the Mamalukes; where slaves, and none but slaves, bought for money, and of unknown descent, reigned over families of freemen. And much like were the case, if you suppose a nation, where the custom were, that after full age the sons should expulse their fathers and mothers out of their possessions, and put them to their pensions: for these cases, of women to govern men, sons the fathers, slaves, freemen, are much in the same degree; all being total violations and perversions of the laws of nature and nations. For the West Indies, I perceive, Martins you have read Garcilazzo de Viega, who himself was descended of the race of the Incas, a Mestizo, and is willing to make the best of the virtues and manners of his country: and yet in troth he doth it soberly and credibly enough. Yet you shall hardly edify me, that those nations might not by the law of nature hate been subdued by any nation, that had only policy and moral virtue; though the propagation of the faith, whereof we shall speak in the proper place, were set by, and not made part of the case. Surehr their nakedness, being with them, in most parts of that country, without all vail or covering, was a great defacement: for in the acknowledgment of nakedness was the first sense of sin; and the heresy of the Adamites was ever accounted an affront of nature. But upon these I stand not: nor yet upon their idiocy, in thinking that horses did eat their bits, and letters speak, and the like: nor yet upon their sorceries, which are almost common to all idolatrous nations. But, I say, their sacrificing, and more especially their eating of men, is such an abomination, as, methinks, a man's face should be a little confused, to deny, that this custom, joined with the rest, did not make it lawful for the Spaniards to invade their territory, forfeited by the law of nature; and either to reduce them or displant them. But far be it from me, yet nevertheless, to justify the cruelties which were at first used towards them; which had their reward soon after, there being not one of the principal of the first conquerors, but died a violent death himself; and was well followed by the deaths of many more. Of examples enough: except we should add the labours of Hercules; an example, which though it be flourished with much fabulous matter,vet so much it hath, that it doth notably set forth the consent of all nations and ages, in the approbation of the extirpating and debellating of giants, monsters, and foreign tyrants, not only as lawful, but as meritorious even of divine honour: and this although the deliverer came from the one end of the world unto the other. Let ns now set down some arguments to prove the same; regarding rather weight than number, as in such a conference as this is fit. The first argument shall be this. It is a great error, and a narrowness or straitness of mind, if any man think, that nations have nothing to do one with another, except there be either an union in sovereignty, or a conjunction in parts or leagues. There are other bands of society, and implicit confederations. That of colonies, or transmigrants, towards their mother nation. Gentes unius labii is somewhat j for as the confusion of tongues was a mark of separation, so the being of one language is a mark of union. To have the same fundamental laws and customs in chief is yet more, as it was between the Grecians in respect of the barbarians. To be of one sect or worship; if it be a false worship, I speak not of it, for that is but fratres in malo. But above all these, there is the supreme and indissoluble consanguinity and society between men in general: of which the heathen poet, whom the apostle calls to witness, saith, "We are all his generation." But much more we christians, unto whom it is revealed in particularity, that all men came from one lump of earth; and that two singular persons were the parents from whom all the generations of the world are descended: we, I say, ought to ac
knowledge, tliat no nations are wholly aliens and strangers the one to the other; and not to be less charitable than the person introduced by the comic poet, " Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto." Now if there be such a tacit league or confederation, sure it is not idle; it is against somewhat, or somebody: who should they be? Is it against wild beasts; or the elements of fire and water? No, it is against such routs and shoals of people, as have utterly degenerated from the laws of nature; as have in their very body and frame of estate a monstrosity; and may be truly accounted, according to the examples we have formerly recited, common enemies and grievances of mankind; or disgraces and reproaches to human nature. Such people, all nations are interessed, and ought to be resenting, to suppress; considering that the particular states themselves, being the delinquents, can give no redress. And this, I say, is not to be measured so much by the principles of jurists, as by lex charitatis; lex proximi, which includes the Samaritan as well as the Levite; lex filiorum Ada? de massa una: upon which original laws this opinion is grounded: which to deny, if a man may speak freely, were almost to be a schismatic in nature.
[The rest was not perfected.']
LORD BACON'S QUESTIONS
A BOOT THE
LAWFULNESS OF A WAR FOR THE PROPAGATION OF RELIGION.
(Questions wherein I desire opinion, joined with arguments and authorities.
Tenison's Whether a war he lawful against •• Baconiana," infidels, only for the propagation of the p' christian faith, without other cause of
Whether a war be lawful to recover to the church countries which formerly have been christian, though now alienate, and christians utterly extirpated?
Whether a war be lawful, to free and deliver christians that yet remain in servitude and subjection to infidels?
Whether a war be lawful in revenge, or vindication, of blasphemy, and reproaches against the Deity and our Saviour? Or for the ancient effusion of christian blood, and cruelties upon christians?
Whether a war be lawful for the restoring and purging of the Holy Land, the sepulchre, and other principal places of adoration and devotion?
Whether, in the cases aforesaid, it be not obligatory to christian princes to make such a war, and not permissive only?
Whether the making of a war against the infidels be not first in order of dignity, and to be preferred before extirpations of heresies, reconcilements of schisms, reformation of manners, pursuits of just temporal quarrels, and the like actions for the public good; except there be either a more urgent necessity, or a more evident facility in those inferior actions, or except they may both go on together in some degree?
NOTES OF A SPEECH CONCERNING A WAR WITH SPAIN.
That ye conceive there will be little difference in opinion, but that all will advise the king not to entertain farther a treaty, wherein he hath been so manifestly and so long deluded.
That the difficulty therefore will be in the consequences thereof j for to the breach of treaty, doth necessarily succeed a despair of recovering the Palatinate by treaty, and so the buisness falleth upon a war. And to that you will apply your speech, as being the point of importance, and besides, most agreeable to your profession and place.
To a war, such as may promise success, there are three things required: a just quarrel; sufficient forces and provisions; and a prudent and politic choice of the designs and actions whereby the war shall be managed.
For the quarrel, there cannot be a more just quarrel by the laws both of nature and nations, than for the recovery of fhe ancient patrimony of the king's children, gotten from them by an usurping sword, and an insidious treaty.
But farther, that the war well considered is not for the Palatinate only, but for England and Scotland; for if we stay till the Low Countrymen be ruined, and the party of the papists within the realm be grown too strong, England, Scotland, and Ireland are at the stake.
Neither doth it concern the state only, but our church: other kings, papists, content themselves to maintain their religion in their own dominions; but the kings of Spain run a course to make themselves protectors of the popish religion, even amongst the subjects of other kings; almost like the Ottomans, that profess to plant the law of Mahomet by the sword j and so the Spaniards do of the pope's law. And therefore if either the king's blood, or our own blood, or Christ's blood be dear unto us, the quarrel is just, and to be embraced.
For the point of sufficient forces, the balancing of the forces of these kingdoms and their allies, with Spain and their allies, you know to be a matter of great and weighty consideration; but yet to weigh them in a common understanding, for your part, you are of opinion that Spain is no such giant; or if he be a giant, it will be but like Goliah and David, for God will be on our side.
But to leave these spiritual considerations: you do not see in true discourse of peace and war, that we ought to doubt to be overmatched. To this opinion you are led by two things which lead all men; by experience, and by reason.
For experience ; you do not find that for this age, take it for 100 years, there was ever any encounter between Spanish and English of importance, either
by sea or land, but the English came off with the honour; witness the Lammas-day, the retreat of Gaunt, the battle of Newport, and some others: but there have been some actions, both by sea and land, so memorable as scarce suffer the less to be spoken of. By sea, that of eighty-eight, when the Spaniards, putting themselves most upon their stirrups, sent forth that invincible Armada which should have swallowed up England quick; the success whereof was, that although that fleet swam like mountains upon our seas, yet they did not so much as take a cock-boat of ours at sea, nor fire a cottage at land, but came through our channel, and were driven, as Sir Walter Raleigh says, by squibs, fireboats he means, from Calais, and were soundly beaten by our ships in fight, and many of them sunk, and finally durst not return the way they came, but made a scattered perambulation, full of shipwrecks, by the Irish and Scottish seas to get home again: just according to the curse of the Scripture, "that they came out against us one way, and fled before us seven ways." By land, who can forget the two voyages made upon the continent itself of Spain, that of Lisbon, and that of Cales, when in the former we knocked at the gates of the greatest city either of Spain or Portugal, and came off without seeing an enemy to look us in the face? And though we failed in our foundation, for that Antonio, whom we thought to replace in his kingdom, found no party at all, yet it was a true trial of the gentleness of Spain, which suffered us to go and come without any dispute. And for the latter, of Cales, it ended in victory ; we ravished a principal city of wealth and strength in the high countries, sacked it, fired the Indian fleet that was in the port, and came home in triumph; and yet to this day were never put in suit for it, nor demanded reasons for our doings. You ought not to forget the battle of Kinsale in Ireland, what time the Spanish forces were joined with the Irish, good soldiers as themselves, or better, and exceeded us far in number, and yet they were soon defeated, and their general D'Avila taken prisoner, and that war by that battle quenched and ended.
And it is worthy to be noted how much our power in those days was inferior to our present state. Then, a lady old, and owner only of England, entangled with the revolt of Ireland, and her confederates of Holland much weaker, and in no conjuncture. Now, a famous king, and strengthened with a prince of singular expectation, and in the prime of his years, owner of the entire isle of Britain, enjoying Ireland populate and quiet, and infinitely more supported by confederates of the Low Countries, Denmark, divers of the princes of Germany, and others. As for the comparison of Spain as it was then, and as it is now, yon will for good respects forbear to speak j only you will say this, that Spain was then reputed to have the wisest council of Europe, and not a council that will come at the whistle of a favourite.
Another point of experience you would not speak of, if it were not that there is a wonderful erroneous observation, which walketh about, contrary to all the true account of time; and it is, that the Spaniard where he once gets in, will seldom or never be got out again; and they give it an ill-favoured simile which you will not name, but nothing is less true: they got footing at Brest, and some other parts in Britain, and quitted it: they had Calais, Ardes, Amiens, and were part beaten out, and part they rendered: they had Vercelles in Savoy, and fairly left it: they had, the other day the Valtoline, and now have put it in deposit. What they will do at Ormus we shall see. So that, to speak truly of latter times, they have rather poached and offered at a number of enterprises, than maintained any constantly. And for Germany, in more ancient time, their great emperor Charles, after he had Germany almost in his fist, was forced in the end to go from Isburgh, as it were in a mask by torchlight, and to quit every foot of his new acquests in Germany, which you hope likewise will be the hereditary issue of this late purchase of the Palatinate. And thus much for experience.
For reason: it hath many branches; you will but extract a few first. It is a nation thin sown of men, partly by reason of the sterility of their soil; and partly because their natives are exhaust by so many employments in such vast territories as they possess, so that it hath been counted a kind of miracle to see together ten or twelve thousand native Spaniards in an army. And although they have at this time great numbers of miscellany soldiers in their armies and garrisons, yet, if there should be the misfortune of a battle, they are ever long about it to draw on supplies.
They tell a tale of a Spanish ambassador that was brought to see their treasury of St. Mark at Venice, and still he looked down to the ground j and being asked the reason, said, " he was looking to see whether the treasure had any root, so that, if that were spent, it would grow again; as his master's had." But, howsoever it be of their treasure, certainly their forces have scarcely any root, or at least such a root as putteth forth very poorly and slowly; whereas there is not in the world again such a spring and seminary of military people as is England, Scotland, and Ireland; nor of seamen, as is this island and the Low Countries: so as if the wars should mow them down, yet they suddenly may be supplied and come up again.
A second reason is, and it is the principal, that if we truly consider the greatness of Spain, it consisteth chiefly in their treasure, and their treasure in their Indies, and their Indies, both of them, is but an accession to such as are masters by sea; so as this axletree, whereupon their greatness turns, is soon cut a-two by any that shall be stronger than they at sea. So then you report yourself to their opinions, and the opinions of all men, enemies or whosoever; whether that the maritime forces of Britain and the Low Countries are not able to beat them at sea. For if that be, you see the chain is broken from shipping to Indies, from Indies to treasure, and from treasure to greatness.
The third reason, which hath some affinity with this second, is a point comfortable to hear in the state that we now are; wars are generally causes of poverty and consumption. The nature of this war, you are persuaded, will be matter of restorative and enriching; so that, if we go roundly on with supplies and provision at the first, the war in continuance will find itself. That you do but point at this, and will not enlarge it.
Lastly, That it is not a little to be considered, that the greatness of Spain is not only distracted extremely, and therefore of less force; but built upon no very sound foundations, and therefore they can have the less strength by any assured and confident confederacy. With France they are in competition for Navarre, Milan, Naples, and the Franche County of Burgundy; with the see of Rome, for Naples also: for Portugal with the right heirs of that line; for that they have in their Low Countries, with the United Provinces; for Ormus, now, with Persia; for Valencia, with the Moors expulsed and their confederates; for the East and West Indies, with all the world. So that if every bird had its feather, Spain would be left wonderful naked. But yet there is a greater confederation against them than by means of any of these quarrels or titles; and that is contracted by the fear that almost all nations have of their ambition, whereof men see no end. And thus much for the balancing of their forces.
For the last point, which is the choice of the designs and enterprises, in which to conduct the war; you will not now speak, because you should be forced to descend to divers particulars, whereof some are of a more open, and some of a more secret nature. But that you would move the house to make a selected committee for that purpose; not to estrange the house in any sort, but to prepare things for them, giving them power and commission to call before them, and to confer with any martial men or others that are not of the house, that they shall think fit, for their advice and information: and so to give an account of the business to a general committee of the whole house.