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his principal city, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, possessed two of his frontier forts, and come off after all this with small loss of men, otherwise than by sickness? And it was verily thought, that had it not been for four great disfavours of that voyage, that is to say, the failing in sundry provisions that were promised, especially of cannons for battery; the vain hopes of Don Antonio, concerning the people of the country to come in to his aid; the disappointment of the fleet that was directed to come up the river of Lisbon; and lastly, the diseases which spread in the army by reason of the heat of the season, and of the soldiers' misrule in diet, the enterprise had succeeded, and Lisbon had been carried. But howsoever it makes proof to the world, that an invasion of a few English upon Spain may have just hope of victory, at least of passport to depart safely.

In the year 1591 was that memorable fight of an English ship called the Revenge, under the command of Sir Richard Greenvil; memorable, 1 say, even beyond credit, and to the height of some heroical fable; and though it were a defeat, yet it exceeded a victory; being like the act of Samson, that killed more men at his death, than he had done in the time of all his life. This ship, for the space of fifteen hours sat like a stag among hounds at the bay, and was sieged, and fought with, in turn, by fifteen great ships of Spain, part of ajiavy of fifty-five ships in all: the rest like abettors looking on afar off. And amongst the fifteen ships that fought, the great S. Philippo was one; a ship of fifteen hundred ton, prince of the twelve sea-apostles, which was right glad when she was shifted off from the Revenge. This brave ship the Revenge, being manned only with two hundred, soldiers and mariners, whereof eighty lay sick; yet nevertheless after a fight maintained, as was said, of fifteen hours, and two ships of the enemy sunk by her side, besides many more torn and battered, and great slaughter of men, never came to be entered, but was taken by composition; the enemies themselves having in admiration the virtue of the commander, and the whole tragedy of that ship.

In the year 1596 was the second invasion that we made upon the main territories of Spain; prosperously achieved by that worthy and famous Robert earl of Essex, in concert with the noble earl of Nottingham that now liveth, then admiral. This journey was like lightning; for in the space of fourteen hours the king of Spain's navy was destroyed, and the town of Cadiz taken. The navy was no less than fifty tall ships, besides twenty galleys to attend them. The ships were straightways beaten, and put to flight with such terror, as the Spaniards in the end were their own executioners, and fired them all with their own hands. The galleys, by the benefit of the shores and shallows, got away. The town was a fair, strong, well built, and rich city ; famous in antiquity, and now most spoken of for this disaster. It was manned with four thousand soldiers foot, and some four hundred horse; it was sacked and burned, though great clemency was used towards the inhabitants. But that which is no less strange than the sudden victory, is the great patience of the Spaniards; who though we stayed upon the

place divers days, yet never offered us any play then, nor ever put us in suit by any action of revenge or reparation at any time after.

In the year 1600 was the battle of Newport in the Low-Countries, where the armies of the archduke, and the States, tried it out by a just battle. This was the only battle that was fought in those countries these many years. For battles in the French wars have been frequent, but in the wars of Flanders rare, as the nature of a defensive requireth. The forces of both armies were not much unequal: that of the States exceeded somewhat in number, but that again was recompensed in the quality of the soldiers; for those of the Spanish part were of the flower of all their forces. The archduke was the assailant, and the preventer, and had the fruit of his diligence and celerity. For he had charged certain companies of Scottish men, to the number of eight hundred, sent to make good a passage, and thereby severed from the body of the army, and cut them all in pieces : for they, like a brave infantry, when they could make no honourable retreat, and would take no dishonourable flight, made good the place with their lives. This entrance of the battle did whet the courage of the Spaniards, though it dulled their swords: so as they came proudly on, confident to defeat the whole army. The encounter of the main battle which followed, was a just encounter, not hastening to a sudden rout, nor the fortune of the day resting upon a few former ranks, but fought out to the proof by several squadrons, and not without variety of success; "Stat pede pes, densusque viro vir." There fell out an error in the Dutch army, by the overhasty medley of some of their men witli the enemies, which hindered the playing of their great ordnance. But the end was, that the Spaniards were utterly defeated, and near five thousand of their men in the fight, and in the execution, slain and taken; amongst whom were many of the principal persons of their army. The honour of the day was, both by the enemy and the Dutch themselves, ascribed unto the English; of whom Sir Francis Vere, in a private commentary which he wrote of that service, leaveth testified, that of fifteen hundred in number, for they were no more, eight hundred were slain in the field: and, which is almost incredible in a day of victory, of the remaining seven hundred, two men only came off unhurt. Amongst the rest Sir Francis Vere himself had the principal honour of the service, unto whom the prince of Orange, as is said, did transmit the direction of the army for that day; and in the next place Sir Horace Vere his brother, that now liveth, who was the principal in the active part. The service also of Sir Edward Cecil, Sir John Ogle, and divers other brave gentlemen, was eminent.

In the year 1601 followed the battle of Kinsale in Ireland. By this Spanish invasion of Ireland, which was in September that year, a man may guess how long time a Spaniard will live in Irish ground; which is a matter of a quarter of a year, or four months at most. For they had all the advantages in the world; and no man would have thought, considering the small forces employed against them, that they could have been driven out so soon. They obtained, without resistance, in the end of September, the town of Kinsale; a small garrison of one hundred and fifty English leaving the town upon the Spaniards' approach, and the townsmen receiving the foreigners as friends. The number of Spaniards that put themselves into Kinsale, was two thousand men, soldiers of old bands, under the command of Don John d'Aquila, a man of good valour. The town was strong of itself; neither wanted there any industry to fortify it on all parts, and make it tenable, according to the skill and discipline of Spanish fortification. At that time the rebels were proud, being encouraged upon former successes; for though the then deputy, the lord Mountjoy, and Sir George Carew, president of Munster, had performed divers good services to their prejudice; yet the defeat they had given the English at Blackwater, not long before, and their treaty, too much to their honour, with the earl of Essex, was yet fresh in their memory. The deputy lost no time, but made haste to have recovered the town before new succours came, and sat down before it in October, and laid siege to it by the space of three winter months or more: during which time sallies were made by the Spaniard, but they were beaten in with loss. In January came fresh succours from Spain, to the number of two thousand more, under the conduct of Alonzo d'Ocampo. Upon the comforts of these succours, Tyrone and Odonnell drew up their forces together, to the number of seven thousand, besides the Spanish regiments, and took the field, resolved to rescue the town, and to give the English battle. So here was the case: an army of English, of some six thousand, wasted and tired with a long winter's siege, engaged in the midst, between an army of a greater number than themselves, fresh and in vigour, on the one side; and a town strong in fortification, and strong in men, on the other. But what was the event? This in few words: that after the Irish and Spanish forces had come on, and showed themselves in some bravery, they were content to give the English the honour as to charge them first; and when it came to the charge, there appeared no other difference between the valour of the Irish rebels and the Spaniards, but that the one ran away before they were charged, and the other straight after. And again, the Spaniards that were in the town had so good memories of their losses in their former sallies, as the confidence of an army, which came for their deliverance, could not draw them forth again. To conclude: there succeeded an absolute victory for the English, with the slaughter of above two thousand of the enemy; the taking of nine ensigns, whereof six Spanish; the taking of the Spanish general, d'Ocampo, prisoner; and this with the loss of so few of the English as is scarce credible; being, as hath been rather confidently than credibly reported, but of one man, the cornet of Sir Richard Greame; though not a few hurt. There followed immediately after the defeat a present yielding up of the town by composition; and not only so, but an avoiding, by express articles of treaty accorded, of all other Spanish forces throughout all

Ireland, from the places and nests where they had settled themselves in greater strength, as in regard of the natural situation of the places, than that was of Kinsale; which were Castlehaven, Baltimore, and Beerehaven. Indeed they went away with sound of trumpet, for they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the reproaches they could devise, against the Irish land and nation; insomuch as d'Aquila said in open treaty, that when the devil upon the mount did show Christ all the kingdoms of the earth, and the glory of them, he did not doubt but the devil left out Ireland, and kept it for himself.

I cease here: omitting not a few other proofs of the English valour and fortunes, in these latter times: as at the suburbs of Paris, at the Raveline, at Druse in Normandy, some encounters in Britanny, and at Ostend, and divers others; partly because some of them have not been proper encounters between the Spaniards and the English; and partly because others of them have not been of that greatness, as to have sorted in company with the particulars formerly recited. It is true, that amongst all the late adventures, the voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins into the West Indies, was unfortunate; yet in such sort as it doth not break or interrupt our prescription, to have had the better of the Spaniards upon all fights of late. For the disaster of that journey was caused chiefly by sickness; as might well appear by the deaths of both the generals, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins, of the same sickness amongst the rest. The land enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature counsel: for it was grounded upon a false account, that the passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them. But yet it sorted not to any fight of importance, but to a retreat, after the English had proved the strength of their first fort, and had notice of the two other forts beyond, by which they were to have marched. It is true, that in the return of the English fleet they were set upon by Avellaneda, admiral of twenty great ships Spanish, our fleet being but fourteen, full of sick men, deprived of their two generals by sea, and having no pretence but to journey homewards: and yet the Spaniards did but salute them, about the Cape de los Corientes, with some small offer of fight, and came off with loss; although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive so little hurt upon dealing with the English, as Avellaneda made great brags of it, for no greater matter than the waiting upon the English afar off, from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio; which, nevertheless, in the language of a soldier, and of a Spaniard, he called a chase.

But before I proceed farther, it is good to meet with an objection, which if it be not removed, the conclusion of experience from the time past to the time present will not be sound and perfect. For it will be said, that in the former times, whereof we have spoken, Spain was not so mighty as now it is; and England, on the other side, was more aforehand in all matters of power. Therefore let us compare with indifferency these disparities of times, and we shall plainly perceive, that they make for the advantage of England at this present time. And because we will less wander in generalities, we will fix the comparison to precise times; comparing the state of Spain and England in the year 88, with this present year that now runneth. In handling of this point, I will not meddle with any personal comparisons of the princes, counsellors, and commanders by sea or land, that were then, and that are now, in both kingdoms, Spain and England; but only rest upon real points, for the true balancing of the state of the forces and affairs of both times. And yet these personal comparisons I omit not, but that I could evidently show, that even in these personal respects the balance sways on our part; but because I would say nothing that may savour of a spirit of flattery or censure of the present government.

First, therefore, it is certain, that Spain hath not now one foot of ground in quiet possession more than it had in 88. As for the Valtoline, and the Palatinate, it is a maxim in state, that all countries of new acquest, till they be settled, are rather matters of burden than of strength. On the other side, England hath Scotland united, and Ireland reduced to obedience, and planted; which are mighty augmentations.

Secondly, in 88, the kingdom of France, able alone to counterpoise Spain itself, much more in conjunction, was torn with the party of the league, which gave law to their king, and depended wholly upon Spain. Now France is united under a valiant young king, generally obeyed if he will, himself king of Navarre as well as of France; and that is no ways taken prisoner, though he be tied in a double chain of alliance with Spain.

Thirdly, in 88, there sat in the see of Rome a fierce thundering frier, that would set all at six and seven; or at six and five, if you allude to his name: and though he would after have turned his teeth upon Spain, yet he was taken order with before it came to that. Now there is ascended to the papacy a personage, that came in by a chaste election, no ways obliged to the party of the Spaniards: a man bred in embassages and affairs of state, that hath much of the prince, and nothing of the frier; and one, that though he loves the chair of the papacy well, yet he loveth the carpet above the chair; that is, Italy, and the liberties thereof well likewise.

Fourthly, in 88, the king of Denmark was a stranger to England, and rather inclined to Spain; now the king is incorporated to the blood of England, and engaged in the quarrel of the Palatinate. Then also Venice, Savoy, and the princes and cities of Germany, had but a dull fear of the greatness of Spain, upon a general apprehension only of the spreading and ambitious designs of that nation: now that fear is sharpened and pointed by the Spaniard's late enterprises upon the Valtoline and the Palatinate, which come nearer them.

Fifthly and lastly, the Dutch, which is the Spaniard's perpetual duellist, hath now, at this present, five ships to one, and the like proportion in treasure and wealth, to that they had in 88. Neither is it possible, whatsoever is given out, that the coffers of Spain should now be fuller than they were in 88: for at that time Spain had no other wars save those

of the Low Countries, which were grown into an ordinary; now they have had coupled therewith the extraordinary of the Valtoline, and the Palatinate. And so I conclude my answer to the objection raised touching the difference of times; not entering into more secret passages of state, but keeping that character of style whereof Seneca speaketh, "plus significat quam loquitur."

Here I would pass over from matter of experience, were it not that I held it necessary to discover a wonderful erroneous observation that walketh about, and is commonly received, contrary to all the true account of time and experience. It is, that the Spaniard, where he once getteth in, will seldom or never be got out again. But nothing is less true than this. Not long since they got footing at Brest, and some other parts in French Britain, and after quitted them,. They had Calais, Ardes, and Amiens, and rendered them, or were beaten out. They had since Marseilles, and fairly left it. They had the other day the Valtoline, and now have put it in deposit. What they will do with Ormus, which the Persian hath taken from them, we shall see. So that, to speak truly of latter times, they have rather poached and offered at a number of enterprises, than maintained any constantly; quite contrary to that idle tradition. In more ancient times, leaving their purchases in Afric, which they after abandoned, when their great emperor Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist, he was forced, in the end, to go from Isburg, and as if it had been in a mask, by torchlight, and to quit every foot in Germany round that he had gotten; which, I doubt not, will be the hereditary issue of this late purchase of the Palatinate. And so I conclude the ground that I have to think that Spain will be no overmatch to Great Britain, if his Majesty should enter into a war, out of experience, and records of time.

For grounds of reason, they are many; I will extract the principal, and open them briefly, and, as it were, in the bud. For situation, I pass it over; though it be no small point: England, Scotland, Ireland, and our good confederates the United Provinces, lie all in a plump together, not accessible but by sea, or at least by passing of great rivers, which are natural fortifications. As for the dominions of Spain, they are so scattered, as it yieldeth great choice of the scenes of the war. and promiseth slow succours unto such part as shall be attempted. There be three main parts of military puissance, men, money, and confederates. For men, there are to be considered valour and number. Of valour I speak not; take it from the witnesses that have been produced before: yet the old observation is not untme, that the Spaniard's valour lieth in the eye of the looker on; but the English valour lieth about the soldier's heart. A valour of glory, and a valour of natural courage, are two things. But let that pass, and let us speak of number: Spain is a nation thin sown of people; partly by reason of the sterility of the soil, and partly because their natives are exhausted by so many employments in such vast territories as they possess. So that it hath been accounted a kind of miracle, to see ten or twelve thousand native Spaniards in an army. And it is certain, as we have touched it, a little before, in passage, that the secret of the power of Spain consisteth in a veteran army, compounded of miscellany forces of all nations, which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other: and if there should happen the misfortune of a battle, it would be a long work to draw on supplies. They tell a tale of a Spanish ambassador that was brought to see the treasury of S. Mark at Venice, and still he looked down to the ground: and being asked, why he so looked down, said, "he was looking to see whether their treaure had any root, so that if it were spent it would grow again; as his master's had." But, howsoever it be of their treasure, certainly their forces have scarce any root; or at least such a root as buddeth forth poorly and slowly. It is true they have the Walloons, who are tall soldiers, yet that is but a spot of ground. But, on the other side, there is not in the world again such a spring and seminary of brave military people, as is England, Scotland, Ireland, and the United Provinces: so as if wars should mow them down never so fast, yet they may be suddenly supplied, and come up again.

For money, no doubt it is the principal part of the greatness of Spain; for by that they maintain their veteran army: and Spain is the only state of Europe that is a money grower. But in this part, of all others, is most to be considered, the ticklish and brittle state of the greatness of Spain. Their greatness consisteth in their treasure, their treasure in their Indies, and their Indies, if it be well ■weighed, are indeed but an accession to such as are roasters by sea. So as this axle-tree, whereupon their greatness turneth, is soon cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by sea. Herein therefore I refer myself to the opinions of all men, enemies or whomsoever, whether that the maritime forces of Great Britain, and the United Provinces, be not able to beat the Spaniard at sea? For if that be so, the links of that chain whereby they hold their greatness are dissolved. Now if it be said, that admit the case of Spain to be such as we have made it, yet we ought to descend into our own case, which we shall find, perhaps, not to be in state, for treasure, to enter into a war with Spain. To which I answer; I know no such thing; the mint beateth well; and the pulses of the people's hearts beat well. But there is another point that taketh away quite this objection: for whereas wars are generally causes of poverty or consumption; on the contrary part, the special nature of this war with Spain, if it be made by sea, is like to be a lucrative and restorative war. So that, if we go roundly on at the first, the war in continuance will find itself. And therefore you must make a great difference between Hercules' labours by land, and Jason's voyage by sea for the golden fleece.

For confederates; I will not take upon me the knowledge, how the princes, states, and councils of Europe, at this day, stand affected towards Spain; for that trencheth into the secret occurrents of the present time, wherewith, in all this treatise, I have

forborne to meddle. But to speak of that which liclh open and in view; I see much matter of quarrel and jealousy, but little of amity and trust towards Spain, almost in all other estates. I see France is in competition with them for three noble portions of their monarchy, Navarre, Naples, and Milan; and now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline. I see once in thirty or forty years cometh a pope, that casteth his eye upon the kingdom of Naples, to recover it to the church: as it was in the minds of Julius the second, Paul the fourth, and Sixtns the fifth. As for that great body of Germany, I see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the kings of France, and Great Britain, or Denmark, for the liberty of the German nation, and for (he expulsion of Spanish and foreign forces, than they had in the years 1552 and 1553. At which time they contracted a league with Henry the second the French king, upon the same articles, against Charles the fifth, who had impatronized himself of a great part of Germany, through thediscord of thfe German princes, which himself had sown and fomented: which league at that time did the deed, and drave out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany; and redintegrated that nation in their ancient liberty and honour. For the West Indies, though Spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there, except it have been from England; yet nevertheless I see all princes lay a kind of claim unto them; accounting the title of Spain but as a monopoly of those large countries, wherein they have in great part but an imaginary possession. For Afric upon the west, the Moors of Valentia expulsed, and their allies, do yet hang as a cloud or storm over Spain. Gabor on the east is like an anniversary wind, that riseth every year upon the party of Austria. And Persia hath entered into hostility with Spain, and given them the first blow by taking of Ormus. It is within every man's observation also, that Venice doth think their state almost on fire, if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline. That Savoy hath learned by fresh experience, that alliance with Spain is no security against the ambition of Spain; and that of Bavaria hath likewise been taught, that merit and service doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day. Neither do I say for all this but that Spain may rectify much of this ill blood by their particular and cunning negotiations: but yet there it is in the body, and may break out, no man knoweth when, into ill accidents: and at least it showeth plainly, that which serveth for our purpose, that Spain is much destitute of assured and confident confederates. And therefore I will conclude this part with the speech of a counsellor of state in Spain at this daj', which was not without salt: he said to his master the king of Spain that now is, upon occasion; "Sir, I will tell your Majesty thus much for your comfort; your Majesty hath but two enemies, whereof the one is all the world, and the other is your own ministers." And thus I end the second main part I propounded to speak of; which was, the balancing of the forces between the king's Majesty and the king of Spain, if a war must follow.












I Do here most humbly present and dedicate unto your sacred Majesty a sheaf and cluster of fruit of the good and favourable season, which by the influence of your happy government we enjoy; for if it bt true that " silent leges inter arma," it is also as true, that your Majesty is in a double respect the life of our laws; once, because without your authority they are but litera mortua; and again, because you are the life of our peace, without which laws are put to silence. And as the vital spirits do not only maintain and move the body, but also contend to perfect and renew it; so your sacred Majesty, who is omwi legit, doth not only give unto your laws force and vigour; but also hath been careful of their amendment and reforming: wherein your Majesty's proceeding may be compared, as in that part of your government, for if your government be considered in all the parts, it is incomparable, with the former doings of the most excellent princes that ever have reigned, whose study altogether hath been always to adorn and honour times of peace with the amendment of the policy of their laws. Of this proceeding in Augustus Ca-sar the testimony yet remains.

"Pace data terris, animum ad civilia vertit
Jure suum; legetque tulit justissimus auctor."

Hence was collected the difference between gesla in armis and acta in toga, whereof Cicero disputeth thus: Ph i I c 7 "^c1u'^ est' 9uoa- tam ProPr'e dici possit actum ejus, qui togatus in republica cum potentate imperioque versatns sit, quam lex? qurere acta Gracchi: leges Semproniae proferantur. Qiittre Sylla?: Corneliee. Quid? Cn. Pompeii tertius consulatus in quibus actis consistit? nempe in legibus. A Ccesare ipso si quareres quidnam egisset in urbe, et in toga: leges mnltas se responderet, et prreclaras tulisse."

The same desire long after did spring in the emperor Justinian, being rightly called " ultimus imperatorum Romanorum," who having peace in the heart of his empire, and making his wars prosperously in the remote places of his dominions by his lieutenants, chose it for a monument and honour of his government, to revise the Roman laws, and to reduce them from infinite volumes and much repugnancy and uncertainty, into one competent and uniform corps of law; of which matter himself doth speak gloriously, and yet aptly, calling it, "proprium et sanctissimtim templum justitise consecratum :" a work of great excellency indeed, as may well appear, in that France, Italy, and Spain, which have long since shaken off the yoke of the Roman empire, do yet nevertheless continue to use the policy of that law: but more excellent had the work been, save that the more ignorant and obscure time undertook to correct the more learned and flourishing time. To conclude with the domestic example of one of your Majesty's royal ancestors: King Edward I. your Majesty's famous progenitor, and principal law-giver of our nation, after

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