primary dignity of the law, certainty;" and after his unparalleled success in this division, the non-completion of his investigation is matter of great regret. He wishes "this title to serve as a specimen of that Digest we propose and have in hand." But the wretched indifference of a wretched government has deprived us of the Digest as well. The scheme of this Digest, which will be found amongst the political tracts, was offered to Elizabeth, and afterwards to James, but never executed; it forms an excellent accompaniment to The Proposal itself. "Although it be true," he says in his letter to Bishop Andrews, "I had a purpose to make a particular Digest, or recompilement of the laws of mine own nation; yet because it is a work of assistance, and that which I cannot master by my own forces and pen, I have laid it aside."

It would be an unnecessary task in this general sketch of the writings of Bacon, to advert particularly to the various tracts published by him in connexion with the law; to the general reader any detailed account would be uninteresting, and to the student useless-since that which chiefly constitutes their value, can be hardly selected from matter with which it is associated. Many of them, too, are now purely matters of legal curiosity, since the altered legislation demanded by the progress of the nation, from an almost entirely agricultural to a manufacturing and commercial country, has rendered inapplicable the greater part of the rules and principles they contain. Some of them, however, can scarcely with justice be passed over, and to one or two, before quitting the subject, it seems proper briefly to advert. His Charge against Duels is especially entitled to notice. Although classed among his law tracts, it takes a far higher ground than the mere exposition of the existing law, and sweeps away with a forcible hand the common sophisms by which this barbarous practice is ordinarily justified. He shows how repugnant duels are to the principles of christianity, and the true interests of society; and while deducing their origin from the times when a false and unnatural standard of honour began to be elevated, he proves their incompatibility with the supremacy of the law, and the orderly and peaceful pursuits of a civilized nation. The whole is well worthy of attention,-it is a treatise of itself, and so connected and interdependent as to forbid the extraction of any detached passages. Herein, as in so many other cases, our author was enabled, beyond any man of his time, to anticipate the judgment of posterity, and to detect and expose fallacies which were then current, but which the greater diffusion of intelligence and information is gradually destroying.

His Charge against the Countess of Somerset, and the other individuals implicated in the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury, will always be interesting from the historical importance of the persons involved in the accusation. The whole affair was, and still is, notwithstanding the research of historians, enveloped in mystery; and it is not improbably surmised, that if the case had been fully investigated, the monarch himself would have been seriously implicated. The veil will perhaps never be raised,-the publications of Bacon and Coke shed the only light upon the subject that it is likely to receive.

The Ordinances in Chancery for the better and more regular Administration of Justice, were published in the court the first day of Candlemas Term, 1618, and have been adopted and acted upon ever since.

The Passages in Parliament against Francis Viscount St. Alban, Lord Chancellor of England, Anno Domini 1620 and 1621, will be read with mournful interest. "On Monday, the 19th day of March, 1620, in the afternoon, the commons had a conference with the lords; which conference was reported the next day by the lord treasurer, who delivered the desire of the commons, to inform their lordships of the great abuses of the courts of justice; the information whereof was divided into these three parts: 1st, The persons accused. 2ndly, Of the matters objected against them. 3rdly, Their proof.

"The persons are, the lord chancellor of England, and the now bishop of Landaff.

"The incomparable good parts of the lord chancellor were highly commended, his place

he holds magnified, from whence bounty, justice, and mercy, were to be distributed to the subjects, with which he was solely trusted, whither all great causes were drawn, and from whence no appeal lay for any injustice or wrong done, save to the parliament.

"That the lord chancellor is accused of great bribery and corruption, committed by him in this eminent place, whereof two cases were alleged :

"The one concerning Christopher Awbrey, and the other concerning Edward Egerton. In the cause depending in the chancery between this Awbrey and Sir William Bronker, Awbrey feeling some hard measure, was advised to give the lord chancellor £100, the which he delivered to his counsel Sir George Hastings, and he to the lord chancellor. This business proceeding slowly notwithstanding, Awbrey did write divers letters, and delivered them to the lord chancellor, but could never have any answer from his lordship; but at last delivering another letter, his lordship answered, If he importuned him he would lay him by the heels." The proofs of this accusation were five in number.

"The case of Mr. Edward Egerton is this: There being divers suits between Edward Egerton and Sir Rowland Egerton in the chancery, Edward Egerton presented his lordship, a little after he was lord keeper, with a bason and ewer of £50 and above, and afterwards he delivered unto Sir George Hastings and Sir Richard Young £400 in gold, to be presented unto his lordship. Sir Richard Young presented it, his lordship took it, and poised it, and said, it was too much; and returned answer, That Mr. Egerton had not only enriched him, but had a tie upon his lordship, to do him favour in all his just causes." The proofs were sufficient.

Following" ancient precedents, which show that great persons have been accused for the like in parliament, they humbly desire, that forasmuch as this concerneth a person of so great eminency, it may not depend long before your lordships; that the examination of the proofs may be expedited, and if he be found guilty, then to be punished; if not guilty, the now accusers to be punished."

When the lord treasurer had made his report, the lord admiral presented to the house a letter from Bacon, dated 19th March 1620, from which it is plain that he intended to defend himself from these charges. The poor chancellor, "hearing that some complaints of base bribery were coming before them," makes the following requests:

"First, That you will maintain me in your good opinion, without prejudice, until my cause be heard.

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Secondly, That, in regard I have sequestered my mind at this time, in great part, from worldly matters, thinking of my account and answers in a higher court; your lordships will give me convenient time, according to the course of other courts, to advise with my counsel, and to make my answer; wherein, nevertheless, my counsel's part will be the least: for I shall not, by the grace of God, trick up an innocency with cavillations, but plainly and ingenuously, as your lordships know my manner is, declare what I know and remember.

"Thirdly, That according to the course of justice I may be allowed to except to the witnesses brought against me, and to move questions to your lordships for their cross-examinations, and likewise to produce my own witnesses for the discovery of the truth.

"And lastly, That if there be any more petitions of like nature, that your lordships would be pleased not to take any prejudice or apprehension of any number or muster of them, especially against a judge that makes two thousand orders and decrees in a year, not to speak of the courses that have been taken for hunting out complaints against me, but that I may answer them according to the rules of justice, severally and respectively."

This communication was courteously acknowledged by the lords on the twentieth of March, and his lordship was told " to provide for his just defence." The very next day, however, the commons sent a message unto the lords with four additional complaints of bribery against the chancellor, and the last part of the message consisted of instructions furnished by a register, for still further proofs against him.

The lords, in the mean time, examined the complaints and the witnesses, and also appointed a select committee for this purpose.

Bacon was well advised to forego his promised defence. "And on Wednesday, the twentyfourth of April, the prince his highness signified unto their lordships, that the said lord chancellor had sent a submission unto their lordships; "-and a most eloquent submission and supplication it is!

The lords were made of stern stuff-they considered the submission and the collections of corruptions, and sent him a copy of the charges without the proofs, requiring a particular confession, and not an extenuating submission, and expecting his answer with all convenient expedition. The fallen man answered, "that he would return the lords an answer with speed." The lords considered this to be a doubtful answer, and sent to him again," to know of his lordship, directly and presently, whether his lordship will make his confession, or stand upon his defence." He answered by the messengers, that he would make no manner of defence, but meant to acknowledge corruption, and to make a particular confession to every point, and after that an humble submission. The lords granted him time until the next Monday, the 30th of April, to send in his confession and submission. He confesses and submits accordingly; but the lords deputed some of their house to the chancellor to demand of him whether he had subscribed it with his own hand, and whether or not he would stand to it, " unto which he answered, My lords, it is my act, my hand, my heart: I beseech your lordships to be merciful to a broken reed." The seal was sequestered, and immediately put in commission. On the 2nd of May, the lords agreed to sentence the chancellor next day, and summoned him " to appear in person by nine o'clock." The serjeant found him ill in bed, and on being summoned, "he answered that he was sick, and protested that he feigned not this for any excuse; for if he had been well, he would willlingly have come." The lords resolved to proceed, informed the commons that they were ready to give judgment, and the commons prayed" judgment against him the lord chancellor, as the nature of his offence and demerits do require." He was then condemned to pay a fine of £40,000, and to be imprisoned during the king's pleasure. He was declared to be incapable of holding any office in the state, or of sitting in parliament, or coming within the verge of the court. The imprisonment was inflicted, but it lasted only two days. His fine was released almost immediately, he presented himself to court soon afterwards, and in 1624 the rest of his punishment was remitted.

When he fell under the just impeachment of the patriots, by his own confession, and by the sentence of his compeers, he was neither chargeable with any of the laxities of the court in morals, nor with any obliquities of judgment, and no decree of his was ever set aside on the ground of bribery and corruption. Whatever might be his dishonours and difficulties, his mighty mind now found delight in philosophy, and consolation in religion. And who does not sympathize with Ben Jonson's description of him?" My conceit of his person was never increased towards him by his place or honours; but I have and do reverence him for the greatness that was only proper to himself; in that he seemed to me ever by his works one of the greatest men, and most worthy of admiration, that had been in many ages. In his adversity I ever prayed that God would give him strength; for greatness he could not want."

The first fruit of his learned, but not independent leisure, was the History of the Reign of Henry the Seventh, a part only of a deliberate proposal, if not of a long-entertained scheme. He made a "tender," of which he reminds the king on presenting a copy of this celebrated production," in the beginning of his trouble, of two works,-an History of England, and a Digest of his Laws,"-but he was not permitted or encouraged to realize either of these magnificent conceptions of his adversity. There were now no delightful hopes, as heretofore, to inspire, no gentle hearts to cherish, no lofty minds to approve. That spirit must indeed

have been broken, which could forsake its "vast contemplative ends," to bestow a literary compliment on the worst man of the age. But in this very letter of presentation he actually asks the king "to appoint him some task to write ;" and as the Instauration was dedicated to his Majesty, and this History to "his lively and excellent image, the prince," he prays the king to give him a theme to dedicate to the lord of Buckingham. This unheard-of tribute this new benevolence, was neither demanded nor paid, though the complete edition of the Essays was afterwards presented to "this very good lord." The ex-chancellor sent his letter to the king in one to the favourite, which is no small proof of his degradation at court; and the striking difference of manner in the two letters shows that he wrote to the king with much more ease and familiarity than to the minister. In both he refers to the Instauration; and to the king he speaks of it with sober exultation, as his great work"which I esteem my great work, and do still go on with in silence;"—to the saturnine profligate, as a book merely—“ in summer was twelvemonth, I dedicated a book to his Majesty." King James took an unusual interest in the history of a prince, "in a sort his forerunner, and whose spirit, as well as blood, was doubled upon him," and whose king-craft, at any rate, he estimated almost as highly as his own. He "sent for it," and Bacon "hoped he would signify what he would have amended;"—there was some delay about its return, and we are informed that "he" (the king) "had it by him three months and allowed it." In that affecting letter to the queen of Bohemia, where he confesses he had "leisure without honour," but did "not wish to become an abbey-lubber," he alludes to its "having passed the file of his Majesty's judgment;" and declares " he could not forget his duty so far, as not to make unto her, in all humbleness, a present thereof, as now not being able to give tribute of any service." The work was written and probably printed in 1621, and in the following year published in folio. The sort of censorship which the manuscript underwent excited the curiosity of the courtly circles, and great expectations were formed of it by the rest of the world, from the renown of its author, and his elaborate "Note of the Unworthiness of the History of England" in his Advancement of Learning. Prince Charles was so pleased with it, that he commanded him to proceed with the reign of Henry the Eighth, which, as will shortly be seen, he commenced but never finished.

All the writings of this marvellous man are laboured with uncommon care. ments reflect the same glorious mind,

"Even as a broken mirror, which the glass

In every fragment multiplies, and makes

A thousand images of one that was:

The same, and still the same, the more it breaks."

The frag

The History of Henry the Seventh, though it may bear less of this superlative impress than many others, is a standard chronicle of that important reign. It is conceived and executed in the true historic spirit; and modern investigations have established rather than diminished its authority. The narrative, at once minute and comprehensive, possesses a grave interest, which, though mixed with much dispersed reflection, is neither interrupted by quotations, wearied by digressions, nor perplexed by paradoxes; and for thorough insight into character, subtle dissection of motive, and inventive richness of expression, this work has seldom been surpassed.

It must be borne in mind that the book is by a courtier, (what else could have received a Stuart's imprimatur?) and more of the politician's than the patriot's vein runs through it. There is too much "subtilty" about the whole performance. The author, with all his habits of sublime contemplation, was too eminently skilled in the affairs of the world, and they never were more corruptly administered than when he wrote, not to treat the theme in accordance with the stern, doubtful maxims of his day. The worst parts of the Tudor's character are the most laboured, and the least censured; but though he knew more than he

dared to tell, his real opinion may be gathered in spite of the courtly gloss; and whatever may be the writer's bias, the reader's impression respecting the policy of Henry the Seventh is right. The hero is detested, and the effect is produced by some form of expression, which places the king before us in a proper light. We might instance the account of the murder of the earl of Warwick, because "Ferdinand had written to Henry in plain terms, that he saw no assurance of the succession as long as the earl of Warwick lived, and that he was loth to send his daughter to troubles and dangers ;" and numberless by-remarks, as, alluding to the causes of Sir Wm. Stanley's execution, then lord chamberlain, the saviour and crowner of the monarch at Bosworth Field," First, an over merit; for convenient merit, unto which reward may reach, doth best with kings. Next, the sense of his power; for the king thought that he that could set him up was the most dangerous to pull him down. Thirdly, the glimmering of a confiscation; for he was the richest subject for value in the kingdom. Lastly, the nature of the time; for if the king had been out of fear of his own estate, it was not unlike he would have spared his life." And then, after a show of justification, "the secret doctrines," as Sir James Mackintosh would call them, came out. "No man almost thought himself secure, and men durst scarce commune or talk one with another; but there was a general diffidence every where: which doubtless made the king rather more absolute than more safe; for bleeding inwards, and shut vapours, strangle soonest, and oppress most." "The same year the city gave 5000 marks, for confirmation of their liberties; a thing fitter for the beginnings of kings' reigns, than the latter ends."

at once.

What is this? "As for Empson and Dudley's mills, they did grind more than ever, so that it was a strange thing to see what golden showers poured down upon the king's treasury And this is the more to be marvelled at, because the king had then no occasions at all of wars or troubles. He had now but one son, and one daughter unbestowed. He was wise; he was of a high mind; he needed not to make riches his glory; he did excel in so many things else; save that certainly avarice doth ever find in itself matter of ambition. Belike he thought to leave his son such a kingdom, and such a mass of treasure, as he might choose his greatness where he would."

"For this act the king sustained great obloquy, which nevertheless, besides the reason of state, was somewhat sweetened to him by a great confiscation."

"The parliament gave him a subsidy; for his wars were always to him as a strange kind of ore-iron at the top, and gold and silver at the bottom."

“But it was fatal to the king to fight for his money."

The right impression is also produced by his wit.

"About this time the king was desirous to bring into the house of Lancaster celestial honour, and became suitor to pope Julius to canonize Henry the Sixth for a saint; the rather in respect of that his famous prediction of the king's own assumption of the crown. Julius referred the matter (as the manner is) to certain cardinals, to take the verification of his holy acts and miracles, but it died under the reference. The general opinion was that pope Julius was too dear, and that the king would not come to his rates. But it is more probable that that pope, who was extremely jealous of the dignity of the see of Rome, and of the acts thereof, knowing that king Henry the Sixth was reputed in the world abroad but for a simple man, was afraid it would but diminish the estimation of that kind of honour, if there were not a distance kept between innocents and saints." This is the king whom Shakspeare has described as

Bacon himself in the letter dedicatory says, "I have not flattered him, but took him to the life;" and he almost apologizes in that to the queen of Bohemia, already quoted, for the