Prof. J. Franklin Jameson, of the University of Chicago, read a valuable paper on Letters from the Federal Convention of 1787, which will prove helpful to those who are seeking to understand the work of the convention. These letters supplement the official journal and the accounts of the debates given by Madison and others. The writers occasionally naively disregarded their obligations of secrecy and disclosed to their correspondents to some extent the character of the discussions that were in progress. By the study of these papers some additional light is gained on such important matters as the great controversy between the large and the small State parties. Together with certain other studies of Professor Jameson in the work of the Philadelphia Convention, this paper appears in the present volume.

Prof. William MacDonald, of Brown University, read a paper on A Neglected Point of View in American Colonial History. He declared that in spite of the great activity in publication and investigation there obtains still a natural tendency to dwell on matters of merely antiquarian interest, and that as a consequence the main lines of colonial progress and development are not properly traced and followed; that colonies are treated separately, as if they were quite unlike in character and experience; and that as a result the trouble with England, ending in war and revolution, generally flashes upon the scene quite unexpectedly, thus losing for the average reader most of its real nature and actual significance. The thought to be emphasized is that the colonies were part of the British Empire; their progress should be studied as a part of the history of English colonization; only by such study can early American history be understood. An appreciation of this palpable fact would dissipate the atmosphere of provincialism with which our history is still inclosed. By the student not desiring to promote patriotism, but to show facts, the West Indian possessions of England must not be neglected as if they held no place and played no part in colonial history. The position of these colonies, especially in the generation preceding the Revolution, is highly important. While not stimulating to American pride, the truth remains that the sugar islands were more seriously considered by the mother country than were her continental possessions. Professor MacDonald also expressed the opinion that many

phases of American life, notably slavery, can properly be understood only by a comprehensive examination of the conditions of the Empire. He also spoke in an interesting and suggestive way of the desirability of studying the introduction of English law into America, and its gradual modification by local usage and custom. This paper is in a measure supplementary to one read by Prof. Herbert L. Osgood at the Washington meeting, which dealt with American colonial history as a part of the history of English colonization, and traced out in broad lines the relationship of England and her colonies in the seventeenth century.

An interesting paper on Reasons for the Withdrawal of the French from Mexico was read by Prof. C. A. Duniway, of Leland Stanford Junior University. It examined the question as to whether or not the withdrawal of French troops which left the ill-starred Maximilian to his fate should be attributed, as writers customarily declare, to the interference of the United States and the plain intimation of Seward that the presence of a foreign army in Mexico could not be tolerated. Professor Duniway sought to show that the purpose of Napoleon was to build up in America a Latin influence able to counterbalance that of the United States, and that the true reason for giving up this earnest effort was overpowering necessity arising from many sources, and not simply the objection that came, late in the day, from Washington. Four facts, he said, were to be considered: the situation in Mexico, where it was plain that there was not the acquiescence in the rule of Maximilian that Napoleon had hoped for; such dissatisfaction in France, not only with the expense of Mexican conquest, but with several aspects of imperial plans and methods of administration, that no reliance could be placed on the continuing support of the people; the disturbing conditions in Europe, where Bismarck's strong hand was already visible, indicating the desirability of France's husbanding her resources and concentrating her energies rather than seeking distinction beyond the sea, and, lastly, the attitude of the United States, which must be considered only as a contributing cause for the abandonment of the somewhat quixotic enterprise. The first alarming note was sent to Mr. Bigelow, the American minister in Paris, November 6, 1865, when Napoleon was already under great pressure; and when the later

threatening communications were sent by Seward the difficulty of retaining the army in Mexico was already nearly, if not quite, sufficient to determine the policy of the French Government. By wise and judicious delay and by objecting at the critical moment Seward satisfied the demands of the people of this country, and yet took no serious risk of bringing on war with France. It may be said that, while this interpretation is less gratifying to American pride than is the usual interpretation, it does not detract from the wisdom of Seward's diplomacy.

The meeting of Saturday evening, at which Mr. Gregory B. Keen, librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, presided, was held in the rooms of that society, which are admirably adapted for the purpose. The first speaker was the Hon. James Breck Perkins, who discussed at some length the history of the French Parliaments. He spoke of the character and constitution of these bodies, and especially of the continuing controversy, which lasted with varying intensity for centuries, between King and Parliament as to the right or the duty of the judges to register the ordinances of the King. This was a central line of constitutional history until the Revolution. Mr. William B. Weeden, in a paper on The Art of Weaving, a Handmaid of Civilization, aimed not to give a technical history, but to show how one of the humblest and most domestic arts has grown out of man's experience and his contest with nature. Prehistoric as well as historic materials were freely used, and the gradual development of the upright loom among simple peoples was illustrated by outline drawings. He likewise spoke of the great variety of human motives that have stimulated the weaver; desire of comfort, awe in worship, pride of display, love of home, longing for symbolical utterance, have all moved him and contributed to his development and to the growth of his art. Prof. Charles W. Colby, of McGill University, read a very entertaining paper on The Attractiveness of History.

The programme of Monday morning was in the field of European history. Prof. Earle W. Dow, of the University of Michigan, in a paper on Some French Communes in the Light of their Charters, advocated the following propositions: first, we shall have to modify present opinion in regard to the form and content of at least many of the charters; far

from being unarranged and unordered collections of numerous unexplained matters, they are oftentimes intelligible and sensibly arranged solutions of a few problems in local conditions; second, by looking at the communes through glasses thus readjusted we get a clearer view of such associations, especially of their early aims and business; in many instances at least it is quite evident that their main function was to aid in the maintenance of law and order.

Prof. John M. Vincent, of Johns Hopkins, presented a paper on Municipal Problems in Medieval Switzerland, calling attention to the condition of the cities, which by the close of the Middle Ages had become sovereign states joined together in a feeble confederation, but practically independent. Their government, therefore, touched the highest and lowest forms of administration; treaties with kings, private law, criminal law, markets, streets, and stray animals all came within the purview of the municipal council. The necessity of city walls for military defense had a great influence on the inner life of the community. Two forms of government existed at this time in Swiss cities. In one the trade guilds had an important place, and in the other they were forbidden; the first formed a representative government, the other an aristocracy. Both extended their powers over districts outside the city walls. The paper indicated briefly how under these circumstances trade, taxation, paving, police, social and private conduct, and other matters were regulated. Dr. Arthur M. Wolfson read a brief bibliography of Italian communal history, giving a classification of the best secondary authorities and the collections of sources. He added helpful critical comments on the more important works. The fourth paper, on American Constitutional Principles in the Constituent Assembly, by Prof. Henry E. Bourne, of Western Reserve University, was a condensation of the article since published in the American Historical Review," embodying the results of study in the French archives and other unused material.

After luncheon in Houston Hall a short session was held, at which only one paper was read. It was by Prof. James A. Woodburn, of Indiana University, on Party Politics in Indiana during the Civil War, a valuable treatment of an important subject. It dealt chiefly with the character of

@ April, 1903.

party opposition to the Lincoln Administration. The "War Democrats" sought to bring about a cessation of party strife and to aid the vigorous prosecution of the war. The "Copperheads," as the Republicans contemptuously termed the extreme peace party, were factious in their opposition, preferring the triumph of the Confederacy to the preservation of the Union by force. The main body of the Democrats in the State became almost exclusively a party of negation and obstruction, antagonizing Lincoln's conduct of the war, especially at all points where it seemed that the work of the Administration might make for emancipation; they were a party of conciliation and compromise in the interest of slavery, a party of antipathy toward abolition and toward New England as the nest of abolition heresies, a party of traditional dissatisfaction with the tariff, of attachment to abstract principles concerning constitutional right and the rights of the individual against arbitrary government. The strange and fantastic proposal for the preservation of the Union by ending the war, involving, as it did, the formation of a Union party in the South able to suppress secession and to bring about a peaceable settlement between the sections, was almost the only constructive proposition put forth during the course of the war. Mr. Woodburn's entire paper, which is published in the present volume, discusses the struggle between Governor Morton and the peace legislature of 1863, the secret political orders of the State, arbitrary arrests and treason trials, and closes with a brief consideration of the Milligan

case.

At the second joint session with the Economic Association, which was held in Griffith Hall, Provost Harrison presided. The subject of Currency Problems in the Orient was discussed by Prof. Jeremiah W. Jenks, of Cornell University, who was followed by Mr. Charles A. Conant, Mr. G. Bruce Webster, and Mr. Horace White. The Historical Association was represented at this session by Judge Simeon E. Baldwin, whose paper on American Business Corporations before 1789 proved an interesting treatment of what might seem to many an arid topic."

Tuesday morning was given up to subjects in diplomatic

a Printed in American Historical Review, April, 1903; also in present volume.