to the memory of Mausolus her husband.* She caused a magnificent monument to be erected for him in Halicarnassus, which was called the Mausolæum, and for its beauty was esteemed one of the seven wonders of the world, and has caused the name of Mausolæum to be given to all great and magnificent structures of the same kind. She endeavoured also to eternize the name of Mausolus by cther monuments,† which she believed more durable than those of brass or marble, but which are often no better proof against the injuries of time;-I mean the productions of the mind. She caused excellent panegyrics to be made in honour of her husband, and proposed a prize of great value for the person whose performance should be the best. Amongst many others, the celebrated Isocrates, and Theopompus his disciple, were competitors for it.

Theopompus carried it from them all, and had the weakness and vanity to boast in public of having gained the prize against his master; preferring, as is too common, the reputation of fine parts to that of a good heart. He had represented Mausolus in his history as a prince most sordidly avaricious, who thought all means of amassing treasure legitimate. He painted him, without doubt, in very different colours in his panegyric, or else he would never have pleased the princess.

That illustrious widow prepared a different tomb for Mausolus, from that I have been speaking of. Having gathered his ashes, and caused the bones to be beaten in a mortar, she mingled some of the powder every day in her drink, till she had drunk it all off; desiring by that means to make her own body the sepulchre of her husband. She survived him only two years, and her grief did not end but with her life.

Instead of the tears in which most writers plunge Artemisia during her widowhood, there are some who say she made very considerable conquests. It appears by one of Demosthenes's orations, that she was not considered at Athens as a forlorn relict, who neglected the affairs of her kingdom. But we have something more decisive upon this head. Vitruvius tells us,|| that after the death of Mausolus, the Rhodians, indignant that a woman should reign in Caria, undertook to dethrone her. They left Rhodes for that purpose with their fleet, and entered the great port of Halicarnassus. The queen being informed of their design, had given the inhabitants orders to appear upon the walls, and when the enemy should arrive, to express by shouts and clapping of hands their readiness to surrender the city to them. The Rhodians quitted their ships, and went in all haste to the place, leaving their fleet without any to guard it. In the mean time, Artemisia came out with her galleys from the little port, through a small canal which she had caused to be cut on purpose, entered the great port, seized the enemy's fleet, which was

*Plin. l. xxxvi c. 5.

† Aul. Gel. I. x. c. 18. Plut. in Isocrat. p. 838. Demost. de Liber

t Cic. Tusc. Quæst. I. ni. n. 75.. Val. Max. I. iv. c. 6. tat Rhod. p. 145. Vitruv. de Architect. I. ii. c. Q

incapable of making any resistance, and having put her soldiers and mariners on board of it, she set sail. The Rhodians, having no means of escaping, were all put to the sword. The queen in the meantime advanced towards Rhodes. When the inhabitants saw their vessels approach, adorned with wreaths of laurel, they raised great shouts, and received, with extraordinary marks of joy, their victorious and triumphant fleet. It was so in fact, but in another sense than they imagined. Artemisia, having met with no resistance, took possession of the city, and put the principal inhabitants to death. She caused a trophy of her victory to be erected in it, and set up two statues of brass; one of which represented the city of Rhodes, and the other Artemisia branding it with a hot iron. Vitruvius adds, that the Rhodians dared never demolish that trophy, their religion forbidding it; but they surrounded it with a building which entirely prevented it from being seen.

All this, as Bayle observes in his Dictionary, does not indicate a forlorn and inconsolable widow, that passed her whole time in grief and lamentation; which makes it reasonable to suspect, that all the · marvellous reports of the sorrow of Artemisia, may have no other foundation than being advanced at a venture by some writer, and afterwards copied by all the rest.

I should be better pleased, for the honour of Artemisia, if it had been said, as there is nothing incredible in it, that by a fortitude and greatness of mind, of which her sex affords many examples, she knew how to unite the severe affliction of the widow with the active courage of the queen, and made the affairs of her government serve her instead of consolation. *Negotia pro solatiis accipiens.

A. M 3653.

The Rhodians being treated by Artemisia in the Ant. J. C. 351. manner we have related,† and unable to support any longer so severe and shameful a servitude, had recourse to the Athenians, and implored their protection. Though they had rendered themselves entirely unworthy of it by their revolt, Demosthenes not withstanding took upon him to speak to the people in their behalf. He began with setting forth their crime in its full light; he aggravated their injustice and perfidy: he seemed to enter into the people's just sentiments of resentment and indignation, and it might have been thought he was going to declare in the strongest terms against the Rhodians: but all this was only an artifice of the orator, to insinuate himself into his auditors' good opinion, and to excite in them quite contrary sentiments of mildness and compassion for a people, who acknowledged their fault, who confessed their unworthiness, and who nevertheless were come to implore the republic's protection. He sets before them the grand maxims, which in all ages constituted the glory of Athens; of the forgiving of injuries, the pardoning of rebels, and the taking upon them the defence of the unfortunate. To the motives of glory, he annexes those of interest

had

in showing the importance of declaring for a city that favoured the democratic form of government, and of not abandoning an island so powerful as that of Rhodes. This is the substance of Demosthenes's discourse, entitled, For the liberty of the Rhodians.

The death of Artemisia,* which happened the same year, it is very likely, re-established the Rhodians in their liberty. She was succeeded by her brother Idriæus, who espoused his own sister Ada, as Mausolus had Artemisia. It was the custom in Caria for the kings to marry their sisters in this manner, and for the widows to succeed their husbands in the throne in preference to the brothers, and even the children of the defunct.

SECTION IV.

Successful expedition of Ochus against Phoenicia and Cyprus, and afterwards against

A. M. 3653.

Egypt.

Ochus meditated in earnest the reduction of Egypt to Ant J. C. 351. its allegiance, which had long pretended to maintain itself in independence. Whilst he was making great preparations for this important expedition, he received advice of the revolt of Phoenicia. That people,+ oppressed by the Persian governors, re solved to throw off so heavy a yoke, and made a league with Nectanebus king of Egypt, against whom Persia was marching its armies As there was no other passage for that invasion but through Phonicia, this revolt was very seasonable for Nectanebus, who therefore sent Mentor the Rhodian to support the rebels, with 4000 Grecian troops. He intended by that means to make Phœnicia his barrier, and to stop the Persians there. The Phoenicians took the field with that reinforcement, beat the governors of Syria and Cili cia that had been sent against them, and drove the Persians entirely out of Phoenicia.

The Cypriots, who were not better treated than the Phoenicians seeing the good success which had attended this revolt, followed their example, and joined in their league with Egypt. Ochus sent orders to Idriæus, king of Caria, to make war against them; who immediately fitted out a fleet, and sent 8000 Greeks along with it, under the command of Phocion the Athenian, and Evagoras, who is believed to be the son of Nicocles. It is probable that he had been expelled by his uncle Protagoras, and that he had embraced with pleasure this opportunity of reascending the throne. His knowledge of the country, and the party he still had there, might make the king of Persia choose him very judiciously to command in this expedition. They made a descent in the island, where their army increased to double its number by the reinforcements which came from Syria and Cilicia. The hopes of enriching themselves by the spoils of nis island, that was very rich, drew thither abund .nce of troops ↑ Diod. l. xvi. p. 439 Ibid. p. 440, 442

Strab. 1. xiv. p 858

and they formed the siege of Salamis by sea and land. The island of Cyprus had at that time nine cities, so considerable as to have each of them a petty king. But all those kings were, however, subjects of Persia. They had upon this occasion united together to throw off that yoke, and to render themselves independent.

Ochus, having observed that the Egyptian wars had always been unsuccessful from the ill conduct of the generals sent thither, resolved to take the command in person. But before he set out, he signified his desire to the states of Greece, that they would put an end to their divisions, and cease to make war upon one another.

It is a just matter of surprise that the court of Persia should insist so earnestly and so often, that the people of Greece should live in tranquillity with each other, and observe inviolably the articles of the treaty of Antalcidas, the principal end of which was the establishment of a lasting union amongst them. It had formerly employed a quite different policy.

Ever since the miscarriage of the enterprise against Greece under Xerxes, judging gold and silver a more proper means for subjecting it than that of the sword, the Persians did not attack it with open force, but by the method of secret intrigues. They conveyed considerable sums into it privately, to corrupt those who had most influence and authority in the great cities, and were perpetually watching occasions to arm them against each other, and to deprive them of the leisure and means of invading themselves. They were particularly careful to declare sometimes for one, sometimes for another, in order to support a kind of balance amongst them, which put it out of the power of any of those republics to aggrandize itself too much, and by that means to become formidable to Persia.

That nation employed a quite different conduct at this time, in prohibiting all wars to the people of Greece, and commanding them to observe a universal peace, upon pain of incurring their displeasure and arms, against such as should disobey. Persia, without doubt, did not take that resolution at a venture, and had its reasons for behaving in such a manner towards Greece.

Its design might be to soften their spirit by degrees, by disarming their hands; to blunt the edge of that valour which spurred them on perpetually by noble emulation; to extinguish in them their passion for glory and victory; to render languid, by long inaction and forced ease, the activity natural to them; and, in fine, to bring them into the number of those nations, whom a quiet and effeminate life enervates, and who lose in sloth and peace that martial ardour which combats and even dangers are apt to inspire.

The king of Persia who then reigned, had a personal interest, as well as his predecessor, in imposing these terms upon the Greeks. Egypt had long thrown off the yoke, and given the empire just cause of inquietude. Ochus had resolved to go in person to reduce the rebels. He had the expedition extremely at heart, and neglected nothing that could promote its success. The famous retreat of the

10.000, without enumerating many other actions of a like nature had left a great idea in Persia of the Grecian valour. That prince relied more upon a small body of Greeks in his pay, than upon the whole army of the Persians, numerous as it was; and he well knew, that the intestine divisions of Greece would render the cities incapable of supplying the number of soldiers he had occasion for.

In fine, as a good politician, he could not enter upon action in Egypt, till he had pacified all behind him, Ionia especially, and the neighbouring provinces. Now, the most certain means to hold them in obedience, was to deprive them of all hope of aid from the Greeks, to whom they had always recourse in times of revolt, and without whom they were in no condition to form any great enterprises.*

When Ochus had taken all his measures, and made the necessary preparations, he repaired to the frontiers of Phoenicia, where he found an army of 300,000 foot and 30,000 horse, and put himself at the head of it. Mentor was at Sidon with the Grecian troops. The approach of so great an army staggered him, and he sent secretly to Ochus to make him offers not only of surrendering Sidon to him but to serve him in Egypt, where he was well acquainted with the country, and might be very useful to him. Ochus agreed entirely to the proposal, upon which he engaged Tennes king of Sidon in the same treason, and they in concert surrendered the place to Ochus.

The Sidonians had set fire to their ships upon the approach of the king's troops, in order to lay the people under the necessity of making a good defence, by removing all other hope of security. When they saw themselves betrayed, that the enemy were masters of the city, and that there was no possibility of escaping either by sea or land, in despair they shut themselves up in their houses, and set them on fire. Forty thousand men, without reckoning women and children, perished in this manner. The fate of Tennes their king was no better. Ochus, seeing himself master of Sidon, and having no farther occasion for him, caused him to be put to death; a just reward of his treason, and an evident proof that Ochus did not yield to him in perfidy. At the time this misfortune happened, Sidon was immensely rich. The fire having melted the gold and silver, Ochus sold the cinders for a considerable sum of money.

The dreadful ruin of this city spread so great terror over the rest of Phoenicia, that it submitted, and obtained conditions reasonable enough from the king. Ochus .ade no great difficulty in complying with their demands, because he was unwilling to lose the time there which he had so much occasion for in the execution of his projects against Egypt.

Before he began his march to enter that country, he was joined by a body of 10,000 Greeks. From the beginning of this expedi