Wardmote-Elections, by giving an Exclufion to all that inhabit Houfes under Ten Pounds a Year, even tho' they pay all Parish Duties, or Thirty Shillings in Lieu of them; which we conceive an unjuftifiable Hardship upon those who may have long enjoyed that Right, and have had no Crime objected to them, much less proved, as we think it ought to be, before they can justly be deprived of it.

3dly, Because, by this Bill, no Act is to pafs in Common-Council for the future, except what relates to the Nomination of some few Officers, without the Affent of the major Part of the Mayor and Aldermen prefent in fuch Common-Council; which, we conceive, will give too great an Addition of Power to the Mayor and Aldermen, who have already many and large Prerogatives inconteftably allowed them by the Commonalty of the City and tho' the Council for the Bill infifted that the Mayor and Aldermen had anciently that Right which this Bill establishes, yet the Proof of that Right appeared to us fo remote and obfcure, that we own ourselves too fhort-fighted to difcern it; and on the other Side it appeared plain to us, that even from the Time of incorporating the City to this prefent Time, fuch a Claim has very feldom been made, and that it has never been acknowledged; and therefore, we conceive, if there be any Foundation for fuch a Right, which we are far from thinking there is, the Dispute should be decided firft in the inferior Courts of Juftice, and rather determined in the House of Lords upon an Appeal, than ended by an Act of Parliament; which feems to us fuch a Method of determining Controverfies of this Nature, as may prove of the most dangerous Confequence to the Rights and Properties of all the Subjects of Great-Britain.

4thly, Because this Bill abolishes the Custom relating to the Distribution of the perfonal Eftates of Free-Citizens, which is a Custom not only of great Antiquity, but feems to us to be wifely calculated for the Benefit of a Trading-City, and has been acquiefced under for fo many Years, without the leaft Complaint of any one Free-Citizen that we ever heard of; that the taking it away in this Manner cannot but appear to us too rash and precipitate, and may too probably, in our Opinion, be very detrimental to the true Intereft of this ancient, populous, loyal, and hitherto flourishing City, the Prefervation of whose good Order and Government the Bill itself very juftly and judicially allows to be of the greatest Confequence to the whole Kingdom.

Scarfdale,

Compton, Wharton,

Strafford,

Bruce,

Fran. Ceftriens

Arundell,

Abingdon,

Berkely of Stratton,

For the foregoing Reafons, and these that follow, viz.

ift, Because we are of Opinion, that the feveral great Alterations made by this Bill in the ancient Constitution of the Common-Council, and other the Rights, Franchifes and Prefcriptions of the City of London, will, if paffed into a Law, entirely fubvert and destroy the ancient Title which the City at this Time lawfully claims, and has, thereto; and will introduce and enact a new Constitution upon the City hereafter to be claimed and enjoyed, not upon the Foundation of their ancient Title, but of this Act of Parliament; which muft, as we conceive, in all future Times, whenever the City of London may have Occafion to affert or defend their

B 3

their ancient Title and Franchises, bring them under infuperable Difficulties, and may be followed with dangerous Confequences concerning the very Being and Conftitution of the Corporation, many of which it is impoffible to forefee or enumerate.

2dly, We are of Opinion, that the new Conftitution of the Common-Council enacted by this Bill, whereby a Negative is declared and given to the Mayor and Aldermen, not only in the making of By-Laws for the Government of the City, but in other Acts concerning the Iffuing and Difpofal of the Treasure of the City, and alfo of the Seal of the City, whereby their Lands and other Eftates are fubjected to the faid Negative, and in all other Acts and Powers at this Time, as we conceive, belonging to the Common Council, excepting only the Appointment of some few Officers mentioned in the Bill, is a dangerous Innovation upon the City, unfupported by any Evidence offered at the Bar, of the ancient Constitution, and though in late Times mentioned to be claimed, yet contrary, as we conceive, to a clear uninterrupted and convincing Proof of the Exercife of the Powers and Authorities of the Common-Council in all Ages, to the 29th of January 1723; and we conceive the Alteration made by the Bill in this Refpect to be the more unwarrantable, because the written Evidence offered to fupport the Claim of a Negative by the Mayor and Aldermen was either conceived in general Terms unapplicable to that Claim, and not maintained by fubfequent Practice, or was drawn from Proceedings in Times of Trouble and Confufion.

3dly, We are of Opinion, that the extraordinary Power, given by this Bill to the Mayor and Aldermen, will veft in them new exorbitant Authorities over all the Citizens, their Rights, Liberties and Franchises of all Kinds, inconfiftent with that Ballance of Power in the City, by which the fame

have been preferved, and in the future Exercise thereof muft, as we conceive, lay the Foundation of constant and lafting Difputes, Divifions and Distractions, in the City of London.

4thly, We think this Bill is the more dangerous, because it creates a new Constitution in feveral Particulars contained in it, not framed upon the antient Rights proved or pretended to, or difputed on either Side, but is a new Model without due Regard to the antecedent Rights as claimed by either Side, and will deprive a great Number of Citizens of their antient Rights and Franchises in Elections and otherwife, without leaving them any Opportunity of afferting the fame by due Courfe of Law, and is a Precedent of the most dangerous Confequence to all the Cities and Corporations of this, Kingdom.

5thly, We are of Opinion, that the Abolition of the antient Custom of the City touching the perfonal Eftates of Freemen is a dangerous Innovation tending to let into the Government of the City Perfons unexperienced and unpractifed in the laudable and beneficial Trade of the City and Kingdom, and unfit for the Magiftracy of the City, and may thereby introduce improper and pernicious Influences over the Citizens; and we think that the Strength, Riches, Power and Safety of the City of London have been hitherto, in a great Meafure, supported by this and other Cuftoms of the City, as the Walls thereof; and we fear, that the Decay of Trade, and with that, of the Grandeur of the City of London, and the Diminution and Lofs of the great Excifes and Duties arifing from the Trade of the City, on which the Support of his Majesty's Government fo much depends, may be the Confequence of the Abolition of this ancient Custom and Privilege of the Freemen of the City of London.

6thly, Becaufe we are of Opinion, that the Petition of the many Thousand Freemen of the City against this Bill ought to be a far greater Weight against this Bill, than the Petition of Fifteen Aldermen for it; and that the Confufion which may arife from this Bill, if paffed into a Law, may tend greatly to the future Disturbance of his Majesty's wife and gentle Government.

Wharton,

Straffard,

Coventry,

Die Lune 19° Aprilis, 1725.

Hodie 3 vice leta eft Billa, entitled, An Act for redeeming the Annuities of Twenty-five thoufand Pounds per Annum charged on the Civil-Lift Revenues by an Act of the feventh Year of his Majefty's Reign, and for difcharging the Debts and Arrears due from his Majefty to his Servants, Tradefmen, and others.

The Question was put, whether this Bill fhall

pass?

It was refolved in the Affirmative.

Diffentient'

Because this Bill is to raise a great Sum of Money, which will, as we apprehend, become a Burthen upon the Publick, and increase that immense, Load of Debt, which is already above Fifty Millions, and therefore, in our Opinions, require the utmost Application to diminish it, and cannot but give us the most melancholy Profpect, whenever, efpecially in a Time of Peace and Tranquility, we find any Addition is made to it; and fince his Majesty's Revenue, when firft fettled, was thought fuf ficient by the Parliament to answer all the necessary Expences of his Civil Government, and is larger,, as we conceive, than that of his Predeceffors; and fince that Revenue has once already, and not long ago, received an Aid of the like Sum, we think we were fully juftified in expecting an Account of

the