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situations. What is principally laid open is the Basilica; and for this, it was necessary to destroy several houses and two convents. The width of the part now exposed, is believed to be about half the length of the Basilica. Of the libraries, antiquaries have thought that they distinguished some vestiges near the column; but very little of the situation has been examined, and nothing of that of the Temple of Trajan, erected afterwards by Hadrian. The remains of some piers were found on the north side of the column, and indications of their having been altered and partly removed, in order, as is imagined, to make room for is. access to this temple. Two churches and a palace are in the way of any further researches in the direction in which, if anywhere, the remains of the Temple of Trajan would probably be found; and independently of this, the great extent of the ground required to be excavated in order to display the whole design, and the difficulty and expense of preserving it after it is exposed, deprives one of all hope of seeing it executed. The column still remains a noble monument of the taste and skill of the architect Apollodorus.”

THE PILLAR OR COLUMN OF TRAJAN.

TRAJAN's Pillar is the only structure in his Forum which has survived the accidents of time and fortune. It was erected in the year of our Lord 115, by the senate and eople of Rome, to commemorate the victories of Trajan in his two Dacian campaigns. The first of these was un dertaken in the year 101, and lasted three years; its result was honourable to the Roman arms, as the fierce Dacians were compelled to sue for peace. The second was undertaken in 105, and concluded in the next year; in this, the Dacian king having destroyed himself to avoid capture or defeat, his dominions were subdued by Trajan and annexed to the empire. The column was erected during Trajan's absence in an expedition against the Parthians and Armenians; and although it may have been begun before his departure, it is certain that he never saw it finished, as he died at Seleucia in 117, without returning to Rome. His ashes were brought home and placed in a golden ball at the top of the pillar, “which was a singular honour,” says Dr. Burton, “on account of the custom which prohibited any burials within the walls.” Some accounts place this golden ball in the hand of the statue at the top of the pillar, and others deposit it at the bottom; the testimony of a coin is in favour of the former. The ball itself is said to be still preserved, and to be that which is seen on the milestone upon the balustrade of the modern Capitol. The height of this pillar, including the statue which formerly surmounted it, is reckoned by ancient writers at one hundred and forty feet. As it at present stands without the statue, its height is one hundred and twenty-eight modern Roman, or one hundred and twenty-four English feet. When this colossal statue was thrown down is not known. The feet were standing in the time of Pope Sixtus the Fifth, and the head was found in the rubbish at the base. The statue of St. Peter now on the summit is eleven feet high, and of gilt bronze; it was put up by Sixtus the Fifth in 1587. The whole pillar is formed of thirty-three large blocks of marble, of which eight are used in the base, twenty-three in the shaft, one in the capital, and one above it. The diameter of the shaft is eleven feet two inches at the bottom, and ten feet at the top. The base is square, and measures twenty feet on each side; it is covered with trophies, and at each corner is an eagle holding in his talons a wreath of oak, which extends from the one to the other all round. Inside the pillar is a spiral staircase cut out of the marble blocks, and leading to the summit by one hundred and eighty-four steps; the light is admitted by fortythree apertures. On the base is an inscription, which is rfect except in one small portion, where the letters have een defaced by buildings erected against the pillar in the middle ages; and as usual, the antiquaries have eagerly laid hold of the opportunity to kindle a formidable disputation concerning the missing letters. The doubtful part of the inscription is certainly an important one, for it is that which states the object of erecting the column; but all the various readings proposed lead to the same interpretation in the end. The tenour of the inscription is this, that the senate and people of Rome erected the column to Trajan, &c., “for the purpose of declaring of how much of its height the mount and the place had been deprived by such great labours.”

Considerable discussion has arisen concerning the meaning of this declaration, or rather the inference to be drawn from it. It is supposed by some, that the Capitoline and Quirinal Hills were originally united, or one and the same hill, and that to form his Forum, Trajan cut them asunder, and cleared out a sufficient space between them.

“It has been thought by some,” says the Italian geologist Brocchi, “that, before the reign of Trajan, the Quirinal was always connected with the Capitoline Hill; and, in support of this opinion, they adduce the inscription which may be read on the pedestal of the great column, erected between these two hills in honour of that emperor. Those who hold this opinion, consider that the inscription indicates the depth of the cutting made, in order to separate the one hill from the other, as corresponding to the height of the monument itself. We leave it to archaeologists to interpret this mutilated inscription at their pleasure, but in whatever manner it may please them to do so, it can never be concluded that the capitol was once connected with the Quirinal. These two hills were entirely distinct from the first ages of Rome, and the fact is so obvious, that long arguments are not needed for its demonstration.'

THE PILLAR or column of TRAJAN,

The opinion which Brocchi entertains, and which is now generally entertained, is this, that Trajan enlarged the valley, which had always existed between the two hills, so as to render the area of his Forum level and more spacious, and that this operation consisted essentially in lessening the steep inclination of the Quirinal, by removing the earth for a distance as high up as corresponded with the capital of the column, thus obtaining a gentle slope which conducted from the mount to his Forum. Dr. Burton remarks, “that, whatever the true reading of the inscription may be, enough remains to prove the extraordinary fact, that as much soil was cut away to form this Forum as equalled the height of the pillar. It does not, however, follow, that the Quirinal Hill ever extended to the site of the column; the work which Trajan undertook may have been in a different part of the Forum.”

We have now to describe the most curious and the most remarkable part of this column, namely, the bas-reliefs which cover the shaft, running round it in a spiral band, which makes twenty-two revolutions in passing from the base to the capital. The subjects of these bas-reliefs are the victories of Trajan in his Dacian campaigns. The whole number of figures sculptured is about 2500; the figure of Trajan himself is repeated more than fifty times. At the lower part of the column the human figures are about two feet in height; as they ascend, and thus become further removed from the eye, their size is increased, till at the top of the column they have nearly double the height that they have below. As a matter of course the height or width of each bend of the spiral increases similarly. These basreliefs are executed with great delicacy and spirit, but they possess for us a high value of a different kind. “The Roman dress and manners,” says Dr. Burton, “may receive considerable light from these bas-reliefs. We find the soldiers constantly carrying their swords on the right side. On a march they are generally bareheaded; some have no helmets at all; others wear them suspended to their right shoulder; each of them carry a stick over the left shoulder, which seems to have been for the purpose of conveying their provisions. We may observe a wallet, a vessel for wine, a machine for dressing meat, &c. We know, from other accounts, that they sometimes carried sixty pounds, and food for seventeen days; they never carried less than enough for three days. Their shields are oblong, with different devices upon them. Their standards are of various kinds, such as a hand within a wreath of laurel, which was considered a sign of concord. Pictures also were used, which were portraits of gods or heroes. The soldiers wear upon their legs a kind of tight pantaloon, reaching a little below the knee, and not buttoned. The Dacians have loose pantaloons, reaching to the ancle, and shoes; they also carry curved swords. The Sarmatian cavalry, allies of Decebalus, [the Dacian King, wear platearmour, covering the men and horses. These were called Cataphracti, or Clibanarii; and the words of Ammianus exactly answer the representation on the column: , ‘Their armour was a covering of thin circular plates, which were adapted to the movements of the body, and drawn over all their limbs, so that in whatever direction they wished to move, their clothing allowed them free play by the close fitting of its joints.' “Some Roman soldiers have also plate-armour, but they are archers. The horses have saddles, or rather cloths, which are fastened by cords round the breast and under the tail. The Dacian horses are without this covering; and the Germans, or some other allies, have neither saddles nor bridles to their horses. We might observe several other particulars, such as a bridge of boats over a river, and that the boats everywhere are without a rudder, but are guided by an oar fastened with a thong on one side of the stern. #. wall of the camp has battlements, and the heads of the Dacians are stuck upon it. The Dacian women are represented burning the Roman prisoners. We may also see the testudo, formed by soldiers putting their shields together in a compact mass over their backs; also, the sacrifice called suovetaurilia. Victory is represented as writing with a pen upon a shield.” “Trajan's column,” says Forsyth, “considered as a long historical record, to be read round and round a long convex surface, made perspective impossible. Every perspective has one fixed point of view, but here are ten thousand. The eye, like the relievos of the column, must describe a spiral round them, widening over the whole piazza; hence, to be legible, the figures must be lengthened as they rise. This license is necessary here, but in architecture it may be contested against Vitruvius himself.” Concerning the merits of the column, as a whole, we quote the following remarks from the Letters of an Architect. “It may be said that one column of this sort is very much like another, and that there is very little room for the merit of the architect; but if you were to go two or three times to the column of Antoninus, and return to that of Trajan, you would feel the great superiority of the latter, though it might puzzle you not a little to find out in what that superiority consisted. This magnificent column must always have been conspicuous as it is now, rising above the Basilica and all the buildings of the Forum ; but the pedestal could hardly be seen, except from the confined little court in which it stood. This apparent disproportion is one of the secrets of effect in architecture. You show large and lofty edifices from large spaces it is

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true, but then you should also endeavour sometimes to bring great things into contrast with little spaces. Nothing inpresses the idea of size more strongly; and when again you see the edifice from a larger space, perhaps over the tops of smaller buildings, the imagination carries on the idea of size to all its accompaniments.”

THE MOLE of HADRIAN, OR CASTLE OF ST. ANGELo.

Turn to the Mole which Hadrian reared on high,
Imperial mimic of old Egypt's piles,
Colossal copyist of deformity.

THE Moles Hadriani, or Mole of Hadrian, was erected by the emperor whose name it bore, to serve for his mausoleum; he is thought to have raised it in imitation of Augustus, whose mausoleum stood at a short distance on the opposite, or left bank of the Tiber, and has not yet altogether disappeared, although its confused remains are surrounded and hidden by modern buildings. Like its prototype, the Mole of Hadrian was eircular; it consisted of three stories, each considerably smaller in diameter than the one below it, and the whole resting on a square basement. It is supposed that the first and second stories were adorned with columns and statues around their circumference, and that the third was crowned by a cupola, and a statue of Hadrian. Procopius, a writer of the sixth century thus describes it: “The tomb of the Emperor Hadrian stands without the Porta Aurelia, at about a stone's throw from the walls, and is undoubtedly well worth seeing; for it is built of Parian marble, the square stones (of which the basement is built,) are joined alternately to each other, without the admixture of any cement, and it is divided into four sides, of equal dimensions; each is of such a length, that a stone thrown from one angle would but just reach the other. In height it surpasses the walls of the city. There are also statues on it of men and horses, finished with wonderful skill out of Parian marble. The inhabitants, a long time ago, observing it stand like a tower overlooking the city, carried out two arms from the walls to the tomb, and, by building them into it, so united it, that henceforward it became part of the walls, for it has a very lofty appearance like a tower, and overhangs the gate in that quarter.” Of this magnificent mausoleum, the basement and the first circular story, stripped of all its ornaments, and encumbered with an irregular mass of modern buildings, still remain. The spectator should always bear in mind, that, with these exceptions, he sees nothing in the present structure which dates earlier than the beginning of the fifteenth century; and that even the circular mass itself has, since that period, been much changed by the explosion of the powder-magazine in 1497, and the final reparation which it then underwent. This enormous tower is imposing from its size, the circumference being 576 feet. During the siege of Rome by the Goths under Vitiges, in 537, the Mole of Hadrian was converted into a temporary fortress, and to this period is to be referred the destruction of the statues which formerly adorned it; the besieged threw them down upon their assailants. When the scheme of dragging the Tiber for antiquities was carried into execution in 1819, great hopes were entertained that some of these statues would be found, but these hopes were disappointed. The sanguine supporters of the scheme seem to have forgotten, as Dr. Burton remarks, that marble statues, probably of colossal size, could not easily be used as weapons of offence, unless they were first broken in pieces. Indeed Procopius says distinctly that they were so:—“having broken the statues,” he tells us, “which were of marble, and of great size, they threw down large stones made out of their fragments on the heads of the enemy." Two statues were, however, found in the ditch of the fortress in the early part of the seventeenth century, but whether they belonged to the collection which ornamented the mausoleum is unknown. It is probable that the mausoleum had been used as a place of defence before the attack of Vitiges, perhaps during Alaric's invasion. It afterwards fell into the hands of Totila, and the garrison which held it after his death, rendered it a very strong fortress, surrounding it with walls, which they connected with those of the city. It was surrendered by the Goths in 553, during Justinian's reign, and during the period of the Exarchate it was held for the Greek emperors. Luitprand, a writer of the tenth century, thus describes its appearance in his time: “In the entrance to the city of Rome there is a fortifi

cation of astonishing workmanship and astonishing strength; in front of the gate is a bridge of great consequence over the Tiber, which is the first in going in or out of Rome; nor is there any other way of passing, except over this bridge, but this cannot be done except by leave of those who guard the fortress. The fortress itself is of so great a height, that a church, which is built at the top of it, in honour of the Archangel Michael, chief of the heavenly host, is called the Church of St. Angelo in the Heavens." There is still a figure of an angel upon the top; but a writer of the sixteenth century speaks of it as a thing which had existed, but did not exist in his days. In the severe contests, of which Rome was continually the theatre, between the popes, the antipopes, the barons, and the people, the Mole of Hadrian figures conspicuously. The first pope who obtained possession of it was John the Twelfth, who filled the papal chair in the middle of the tenth century. Succeeding popes and antipopes at times held it securely, and at times were driven out of it by the turbulent barons and citizens. Its importance, as an engine for overawing a rebellious people, did not escape the discernment of the pontiffs; neither did it escape the observation of the people themselves, who deliberately declared by a public decree, that when they should obtain possession of it, they would uproot it from its very foundations. In 1378 this decree was near being carried into effect; the partisans of Pope Urban the Sixth, having taken it from those of the Antipope Clement, in spite of the garrison which the French cardinals, who opposed Urban's election, had placed there, proceeded as far as they could in the work of destruction, and contrived to disfigure the structure and reduce it to its present shapeless mass. They stripped off the marbles, and destroyed the form of the square basement, and were only stopped from further mischief by the strength and solidity of the building. The fortress remained dismantled till 1392, when the two Romani said to Pope Boniface the Ninth, “If you wish to maintain the dominion of Rome, fortify the Castle of St. Angelo.” He followed their advice, and the event is thus significantly recorded by a great Roman antiquary. “Pope Boniface the Ninth first fortified the Mole of Hadrian, and established the dominion of the Roman Pontiffs.” The people foresaw and felt the fatal consequences. They petitioned Innocent the Seventh, the successor of Boniface, to restore to them “their liberty, the capitol, the Milvian Bridge, and the Mole of Hadrian." They even seized, for a moment, the first three; in an attack on the mole they were repulsed by the pontifical troops, and completely routed in the gardens of Nero, in the Vatican. The popes had now no longer to fight for this fortress with the people, for the future they only fought for it with one another. The castle underwent many alterations and additions at the hands of succeeding pontiffs. Alexander the Sixth constructed the brickwork on the summit, and also the bastion; to him likewise is to be attributed the secret communication with the Vatican. His additions to the works enabled the castle to withstand the siege of the Imperialists under Charles the Fifth, and it was at last surrendered, not taken by assault. Paul the Third and Paul the Fourth also did much towards ornamenting and strengthening it; but the great engineer was Urban the Eighth, who occupied the pontifical throne from 1623 to 1644; he added a mound, a ditch, a bastion, and a hundred pieces of cannon, thereby making it appear, as a Roman antiquary quaintly observes, that “his bees (the arms of his family, the Barberini,) not only gave honey, but had stings for the fight." *†e most interesting event in the history of this castle, is the siege of it by the Imperialists in 1527, when they were led by Charles de Bourbon, (commonly called the Constable de Bourbon, as he was Constable of France,) on his celebrated expedition for the plunder of Rome. He arrived before the walls of that city on the 5th of May; and on the following morning at daybreak commenced the assault. He was himself the first to mount the walls, and he was also the first who fell; Benvenuto Cellini, the sculptor, tells us, in his amusing memoirs, that it was he who fired the fatal shot, but there is of course a great uncertainty upon the point. The city was captured and exposed to ravages greater, perhaps, than it had ever suffered in its decline, from the barbarian Goths and Vandals as we style them. Pope Clement the Seventh withdrew to the Castle of St. Angelo, where he sustained a siege in company with thirteen cardinals. L. During the siege Benvenuto Cellini directed the artillery

of the castle, and according to his own account, made sad havoc among the Imperialists. Indeed, he tells us plainly, that but for him the castle would have been taken when the city fell. After killing the Constable, he and a com. panion contrived to make their way to the gate of the gastle: “When we arrived at the gate above mentioned," he says, “ part of the enemy had already entered Rome, and we had them, at our heels. The castellan having thought proper to let down the portcullis, there was just room enough made for us four to enter. No sooner had we entered than the Captain Pallone de Medici pressed me into the service because I belonged to the Pope's household, and forced me to leave Alessandro very much against my will. At this very juncture Pope Clement had entered the castle of St. Angelo by the long gallery from St. Peter's, for he did not choose to quit the Vatican sooner, never once dreaming that the enemy would storm the city. As soon as I found myself within the castle walls I went up to some pieces of artillery which a bombardier named Giuliano, a Florentine, had under his direction. This Giuliano standing upon one of the battlements, saw his house pillaged, and his wife and children cruelly used: fearing to shoot any of his friends, he did not venture to fire the guns, but throwing the match upon the ground made a piteous lamentation, tearing his hair, and uttering the most doleful cries. His example was followed by several other gunners, which vexed me to such a degree, that I took one of the matches, and getting some people to assist me who had not the same passions to disturb them, I directed the fire of the artillery and falcons where I saw occasion, and killed a considerable number of the enemy. If I had not taken this step, the party which entered Rome that morning, would have proceeded directly to the castle; and it might possibly have been a very easy matter for them to have stormed it, as they would have met with no obstruction from the artillery. I continued to fire away, which made some cardinals and gentlemen, bless me and extol my activity to the skies. Emboldened by this I used my utmost exertions: let it suffice that it was I who preserved the castle that morning, and by whose means the other bombardiers began to resume their duty; and so I continued to act the whole day.” Cellini was then posted by the Pope's desire with five great guns in the highest part of the castle; “I obeyed his orders," he says, “with a acrity, and had better success than if I had been following my own business.” Of the marvellous skill with which he performed the duties of this new station, Cellini has left us an accurate account, embellished in his characteristic manner with various anecdotes more amusing, as Mr. Roscoe, (from whose spirited translation of the Memoirs we have quoted,) says than credible. “There passed not a day,” he says, “that I did not kill some of the army without the castle. One day, amongst others, the pope happened to walk upon the round rampart, when he saw in the public walks a Spanish colonel, whom he knew by certain tokens; and understanding that he had formerly been in his service, said something concerning him, all the while observing him attentively. I, who was above the battery, and knew nothing of the matter, but saw a man who was employed in getting the ramparts repaired, and who stood with a spear in his hand, dressed in rose colour, began to deliberate how I should lay him flat. I took Iny swivel, which was almost equal to a demi-culverine, turned it round, and charging it with a good quantity of fine and coarse powder mixed, aimed it at him exactly ; though he was at so great a distance that it could not be expected any effort of art should make such pieces carry so far, I fired off the gun, and hit the man in red exactly in the middle. He had arrogantly placed his sword before him in a sort of Spanish bravado, but the ball of my piece hit against his sword, and the man was seen severed in two pieces. The pope, who did not dream of any such thing, was highly delighted and surprised at what he saw, as well because he thought it impossible that such a piece could carry so far, as by reason he could not conceive how the man could be cut into two pieces. Upon this he sent for me, and made an inquiry into the whole affair. I told him the art I had used to fire in that manner; but as for the man being split into two pieces, neither he nor I was able to account for it. So falling upon my knees I entreated his holiness to absolve me from the guilt of homicide, as likewise from other crimes which I had committed in that castle in the service of the church. The pope lifting up his hands, and making the sign of the cross

over me, said that he blessed me, and gave me absolution for all the homicides I had ever committed, or ever should commit, in the service of the apostolical church. Upon quitting him I again went up to the battery, and continuing to keep a constant fire, I scarce once missed all the time; my drawing, my elegant studies, and my taste for music, all vanished before this .# business; and if I were to give a particular account of all the exploits I performed in this infernal employment, I should astonish all the world; but I pass them by for the sake of brevity." It was the fortune of Benvenuto Cellini, at a subsequent period, to become a prisoner in the fortress where he had performed these prodigies of gunnery. He contrived upon this occasion to employ his skill in effecting an escape, the particulars of which he has detailed with considerable minuteness in his memoirs. He succeeded in descending from the battlements of the castle undetected and unhurt; but in attempting to scale one of the outer walls, he fell, and became insensible. On recovering his senses, he imagined he had been beheaded, and was in purgatory. Notwithstanding the injury he had received, he contrived to crawl away; and though the pontiff, Paul the Third, had himself, in his youth, made his escape from the same confinement; he caused Cellini to be again committed to the prison, where he suffered incredible hardships, and witnessed still more incredible visions. The castle of St. Angelo received the appellation which it now bears in the pontificate of Gregory the Great, who, in crossing the bridge of St. Angelo as he went to offer up prayers for the deliverance of the Romans from a pestilence with which they were afflicted, beheld, according to the story, on the summit of the Moles Hadriani, the figure of an angel sheathing a sword. In commemoration of this vision, the

brazen statue which still crowns the castle was erected, and the building, as already stated, received the name by which it has since been distinguished. It has been long used as a public prison, and contains about four hundred wretched criminals, who have been sentenced to the galleys. The

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upper apartments, which present little worthy of notice, are used as prisons for the confinement of state criminals. In the principal saloon is exhibited a bust of Hadrian; and this apartment was used as a theatre for the representation of a tragedy during the fifteenth century. From the summit of the castle a fine view, is presented of the windings of the Tiber; except for the purpose of ascending to the summit to enjoy this view, the interior of the castle is scarcely worth a visit.

As a fortress the castle of St. Angelo is now almost worthless. “Since the modern improvements in artillery,” says Sir John Hobhouse, “it is clear that a castle, commanded as it is by all the neighbouring hills, could never resist a cannonade. It was surrendered during the late war in 1814, after an idle menace from the French captain that the angel on the top should sheathe his sword before the garrison would capitulate.”

On Easter Monday there is a splendid display of fireworks from the castle of St. Angelo. Mr. Galiffe speaks of it in high terms. “If my expectations,” he says, “ were disappointed in the illumination [of St. Peter's], the fireworks far surpassed everything that I had ever seen or imagined. The signal for their commencement is given by a cannon-shot, a little after ten, which is instantly followed by the simultaneous explosion of three thousand sky-rockets, expanding in their flight in the form of a sheaf of corn. I had seen an explosion of fifteen thousand at once in the gardens of Peterhoff; but they did not produce the twentieth part of the effect of this one-fifth of their number, thus skilfully managed, and shooting upwards from the summit of the grand castle of St. Angelo. A beautiful cross-fire of all sorts of fire-works ensues, and the scene terminates with another flight of three thousand skyrockets, similar to that with which it commenced. This certainly is the grandest exhibition of the kind that I have ever seen. The windows facing the castle, on the other side of the Tiber, are in great request on these occasions, and let at high prices.

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LONDON: Published by JOHN WILLIAM PARKER, West STRAND; and sold by all Booksellers.

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THE Shores of the Lower LAKE-THE Town of KILLARNEY-THE CASTLE AND GAP of DUNLoh.

ONE of the chief sources of attraction at Killarney is to be found in the very varied character of the scenery upon the borders of the body of water composing the two lower lakes, Turk Lake and Lower Lake, as they are respectively called. Its southern and western shores are bounded by the lofty mountains which form so remarkable a feature of the county of Kerry, and which comprise among them the most elevated summits in all Ireland. Very different is the scenery on the other sides. The northern shore is bounded by hills of moderate height sloping gradually down to the water's edge. The part also of the eastern shore, lying contiguous to the northern, is bounded by similar hills; as is likewise that part of it which lies contiguous to the mountains of the southern shore. But throughout the remaining or middle portion of the eastern side, the hills recede considerably, so that for the space of about two miles, a low and level tract intervenes between them and the lake, instead of their coming down close to its waters. This level ground, in itself the least in

teresting part of the shores of Killarney, becomes of

Vol. XI"

importance to the general effect of the scene, from the striking contrast it offers to the mountains, and the apparent increase it gives to their height. To the southward this flat commences where the hills adjoining the peninsula of Mucruss terminate— that is to say, at Castle Lough Bay, as that great inlet is called which lies to the north of Mucruss peninsula, and forms the south-eastern corner of the Lower Lake. Near the head of the bay formerly stood the old fortress of Castle Lough on an insulated rock; it was a place of strength at least for its size, but was so completely demolished by the Parliamentary army under Ludlow, (whose capture of Ross Castle we recorded in a former number *,) that not a trace of it can be discovered, except a few fragments of walls scarcely discernible from the rocks on which they stand. The name of Castle Lough is at present given to a private demesne. As far as the river Flesk, which enters the lake opposite the southern end of Ross Island, the flat forms a part of the demesne of Cahernane, an extensive and well-wooded place, described as interesting and possessing many advantages, notwithstanding

* See Saturday Magazine, Vol. XI., p. 195. 364

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