The conduct of the Spaniards to these unoffending people was truly abominable. "They filled their hands with toys and little things that pleased them, and in the mean-time put iron shackles upon their legs, which the wretches thought were very fine play-things as well as the rest, and were pleased with the jingling sound of them, till they found how they were hampered and betrayed." Pigafetta says they worshipped the devil; the Pata gonians had more reason to say the same of their visitors, judging them by their works.

Toward the latter end of October they came to the Cape called De las Virgines, in honour of the eleven thousand companions of Saint Ursula, on whose festival they had discovered it. On examining the strait, little doubt remained that it would lead them to the South Sea; but it appeared on enquiry that they had only provisions enough for three months left: upon this Magalhaens summoned a council. One of his pilots voted for returning to Spain, the majority were for proceeding, and the commander himself affirmed, that, were it even certain they should be reduced to the necessity of eating the hides that were on the ships yards, his determination was to proceed and make good his promises to the emperor. He then gave orders that no one, on pain of death, should speak of returning, or of the shortness of provi

sions.

the opinion of his officers, and yet feared to call a council, lest they should break out into mutiny. He therefore sent a written paper to the two other ships, requiring the written opinion of the officers in reply. Barros affirms that he had a book in his possession, in which Andres de San Martin, the astrologer and cosmographer of the voyage, had entered this paper and his own reply to it. and he gives both at length. In this Magalhaens says, that he is a man who never rejected advice, though since the mutiny at Port San Julian they had all been afraid to declare their opinions; that he knew they thought it wrong to proceed, but he commanded them in the name of the emperor, and by virtue of his own authority, each to give him his written opinion whether to advance or return, and the reasons for such conclu, sion. San Martin in his answer advises the commander to go on till the middle of January, for though he himself doubts whether they should find a passage to India through that strait, still they were bound to examine it. After that time he thought they should return, because of the terribleness and tempestuousness (terribilidade e tempestuosidade) of the seasons, the sickly condition of the crew, and the scarcity of food. Andres also recommends that during the five hours of darkness they should lie to, for the sake of avoiding danger and of giving the men some rest. These papers are dated November 22. On the 27th they found themselves in an open sea, and Magalhaens is said to have wept for joy at the discovery.

The adventurers now suffered dreadfully in their voyage. Magalhaens was reduced to that extremity of hunger which he had declared himself ready to endure; they actually were compelled to eat the leather from off the rigging, to swallow saw-dust, and to mix sea water with their fresh. Twenty men died of the scurvy. Happily the weather continued so uniformly mild that they gave the sea its appellation of the Pacific: for it appears peculiarly unfortunate, that in cros sing so large an expanse of sea, in which so many fruitful islands are numerously scattered, they should see only two soli tary and desert islands, so destitute of any thing to relieve them, that they nam ed them Las Desventuradas, the Unfortunate. Captain Burney conceives that they passed very near Otaheite.

On the sixth of March they came in

sight of the Ladrones, so named by them on account of the thievish disposition of the inhabitants. When the Spaniards landed to chastise them, the sick requested, if any of them should be killed, to have their intestines, which they were persuaded would cure them in a short time. Pigafetta, who records this circumstance, has not explained how the medicine was to have been administered. It may perhaps be elucidated by a fact repeatedly mentioned in Bernal Diaz. The wounded Spaniards in Mexico for want of oil, used to melt the fat of the Indians and cauterize their wounds therewith. Boiling oil was the remedy for gun shot wounds, at a much later period, upon the hypothesis that it killed the venom of the wound. It is probable that the Spaniards with Magalhaens designed to apply the same medicine to their scorbutic sores. Why human fat should have been preferred to any other animal grease does not immediately ap pear, but that the preference was given to it is evident from the facts in Bernal Diaz.

They next reached the archipelago of St. Lazarus, now called the Philippines. Here the inhabitants appear to have united the customs of Hindostan and the South Sea Islands, chewing betel and areca, and tattowing their bodies. Several of the Indian languages were understood at Mazagua, believed to be the island marked Limasava in some of the present charts. A Sumatran slave on board was able to interpret. The Rajah is said to have had each tooth ornamented with three spots of gold. To impress him and his people with a dread of European superiority, a Spaniard in complete armour made his appearance, who sustained the attack of three men, their swords and daggers not making the slightest impression. From hence Magalhaens sailed to Zebu, where with little difficulty he converted the king and

queen.

"The new christians were regular in their attendance at the chapel, and the numher of proselytes daily increased by the arrival of people from other parts of the island, as well as from other islands, who desired to be baptized Magalhanes was careful to explain to the King of Zebu, if not the duties required, the many benefits that would accrue to him in becoming a christian; one amongst which, he assured him, would be the power of vanquishing with ease his enemies. The desire of possering such an ad

vantage, a motive very distant indeed from the spirit of christianity, appears to have been a strong inducement with the king to attach himself with zeal to a religion he was so little able to comprehend. Trusting to the promises of Magalhanes, that he should be rendered the most powerful among the princes of the islands, he acknowledged himself to be a vassal of the crown of Spain. The general, to prove to him the value of the friendship of the Spaniards, and how much it was his interest to continue firm in his allegiance, summoned a meeting of the other chiefs, four of whom attended. These were required formally to submit themselves to the new christian king as their sovereign, and threatened that their refusal to obey him as such, would be punished with death, and confiscation of their possessions. This menace drew from all the chiefs the promise demanded of obedience, and a full acknowledgment of the authority of the christian king. But two of the chiefs, as soon as they were more at liberty, made light of the command. Against one of these the general went with two boats and forty of his men: and coming up with him in the middle of the night, plundered and burnt one of his villages, and set up a cross there."

This spirit of aggression found its merited reward. Magalhaens sent to the king of Matan, a little island near Zebu, to claim tribute for the emperor, and submission to his friend the christian king. The chief of Matan being a

brave

man, replied that he desired to be on good terms with the strangers, and sent them a present of provisions that he might not be accounted inhospitable; but as to obedience and tribute, he could

owe none to those of whom he had never

and go He landed

before heard, neither would he submit to do reverence to those he had long been accustomed to command. Magal haens, notwithstanding the dissuasions of the king of Zebu, and of Serrano one of his own officers, determined to punish this contumacy. with about fifty men, being so fully persuaded that no number of Indians could withstand that European force, that he ordered the christian king to remain quietly with his people in their boats, and see how the Spaniards fought. A kind of missive battle took place during the greater part of the day, till

ceived from the general; he and his men looking quietly at what was passing, with out moving from their canoes. Early in the retreat, Magalhanes was wounded in the leg by an arrow; his person being known to the Indians, their efforts were principally directed against him. The boats were still at a distance, the shore being flat and rocky; and many of the Spaniards, instead of making an orderly retreat, hastened towards them with precipitation. The helmet of Magalhanes was twice beaten off with stones; his right arm being wounded, he could not use his sword; and being closely pressed on by multitudes, he was brought to the ground. When he was down, an Indian killed him

with a lance."

The king of Zebu now determined to make his peace with the chiefs whom he had offended, by sacrificing the Spaniards who had encouraged him to acts of ambitious aggression. He invited the two new commanders and officers to an entertainment ashore, that they might receive the presents designed for the emperor; they went, and were all murdered at the banquet, except Serrano, who was much in favour with the Indians. Him they led down, manacled and naked, to the shore, for the ships had begun to fire upon the town. He begged his countrymen to desist from firing, for his sake, and intreated to be ransomed, the Indians demanding two pieces of ordnance for his release. Carvallo, who was the principal officer remaining, affected to apprehend farther treachery, hoisted sail and fled, leaving Serrano to their mercy: from his cries, which were heard on board, it was believed that he was immediately put to death. Carvallo acted this base and cowardly part, because he expected to be chosen commander in chief, as in fact he was.

Their number was now reduced to 115 men, too small a company for the management and defence of three ships, the oldest was therefore burnt. At the different islands whereby they passed they enquired for Borneo, knowing that there they should obtain notice of the Moluccas. They reached this island in July.

Here also the Spaniards were treacherously treated, not from any misconduct of their own, but from that justifiable hostility with which all the Asiatics regarded Europeans, after the arrival of Vasco da Gama in India. Three of their little company were made prisoners, and by some unaccountable mismanage. ment were left in the king of Borneo's

power, though the Spaniards in reprisal carried away nineteen of his subjects.

66

It was

In November they reached Tidore, thus accomplishing their outward voyage. Here they formed alliances with the native kings, which occasioned many an after dispute with the Portugueze, and here they took in a cargo of spices. As they were departing the Trinidad sprung a leak; the king of Tidore sent divers to examine her bottom, they dived with their long hair loose, because they imagined that the water entering the ship would draw the hair to that part and indicate the place of the leak. found necessary to careen her, and as this would be a work of time, it was determined that the Vitoria should proceed without delay to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope. On their homeward voyage they found at Mallua a people, more resembling brute beasts than men ;" so they are described, yet the absurdity of their fashions is peculiar to humanity: before and behind they wore pieces of goats-skin made into the form of tails; they wrapped their beards up in leaves and kept them enveloped in reed-cases. A Molucca pilot told them of a stranger race whose ears were so long, that one served the purpose of a mattress to sleep on, and the other for a coverlid. It must have been amusing to see one of these gentlemen take up his bed and walk. They suf fered severely on their passage, losing in all 21 men. We observed, says Pigafetta, when the dead bodies were cast into the sea, that the christians descended always with their faces toward heaven, and the Indians with their faces downwards.

On the sixth of September 1522 the Vitoria arrived at San Lucar, the num◄ ber of Europeans remaining in her being only eighteen. Magalhaens had sailed from the same port with five ships and 236 men. Three years within fourteen days were employed in this voyage, which Captain Burney well calls," one of the most extraordinary and eventful that has ever been undertaken, a voyage . so forcibly conveying those impressions which can only be communicated by a first discovery, that it will always be contemplated with interest. While the advancement of science shall continue to interest mankind, Magalhaens, whose enterprize and perseverance first prac tically demonstrated the form of our planet, will be remembered with admira,

tion and gratitude." On this account we have been particular in our examination, and also because so accurate and scientific a history of this most important expedition has never before been presented to the public.

The second expedition, by the same course, under Garcia Jofre de Loyasa, was still more unfortunate than the first. The Straits of Magalhaens were then neglected for so many years, that there was a saying that the passage had closed up. The many unfortunate expeditions to the Pacific created a superstitions prejudice against the discovery, and it was asserted that a judgment had fallen upon all who were principally concerned in it. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the first who saw the South Sea, was beheaded. Magalhaens was killed by pagans, Ruy Falero died raving, and De Lepe, the sailor who first discovered the strait from the top-mast, turned renegado, and so perished eternally for a Mahommedan. But though this course was for a while abandoned, the South Sea was explored with ability and perseverance, from Panama and the other Spanish settlements on that coast. California was discovered by Cortes, and its gulph examined. The discoveries to the north of Mexico, the expeditions to the Philippines, the discovery of the Salomon Island,and the various smaller groupes or single isles are detailed accurately and scientifically. Captain Burney examines the reports concerning the discovery of a southern continent; they exhibit, he says, a curious mixture of the probable and the fabulous, and he thinks that if any such land was seen by Juan Fernandez, it must have been New Zealand.

The voyage of Sir Francis Drake is the last event related in this volume. It would exceed our limits to follow the author through this interesting detail; its conclusion we will copy, in honour to our great navigator, who while he possessed skill and perseverance equal to what Magalhaens displayed, discovers, by his humanity as well as his courage, a true English heart.

"The conduct of Drake in this expedition is, in many particulars, highly to be extolled. Among the commendations which are due to him, the humanity with which he treated the natives of uncivilized countries is not the let. To strangers in general his behaviour was affable and hospitable: towards the Indan, his forbearance, and the various instances of his kindness, were the spontane

ous effects of genuine good will. He has been censured for ignorance as a navigator; but there is no evidence to establish such a charge, and much to refute it. A Spanish writer says, that his ignorance is fully manifested in the scarcity of information which been said from misapprehension, in attributappears in his journal. This can only have ing to him the defects of others. The accounts published of his voyage, it is true, are as erroneous and defective in the geogra phical particulars, as those of any of the early navigations: but none of these accounts were written by Drake. The purposes of discovery, or the advancement of science, Whatever journal or account he kept hinwere not among the motives of his voyage. self, the doubtful complexion of his undertaking would render him more solicitous to conceal than to make public. In the attachment of his people towards him, is evinced the full confidence they placed in his abilities: and among those who most censured his expedition, he is praised for resolutely and certainly, whatsoever may conducting it so discreetly, patiently, and be said of his undertaking, the character of his abilities may be pronounced superior to attack. It is said of Drake, that he was a willing hearer of every man's opinion, but commonly a follower of his own. not been a well qualified navigator, as well as an expert mariner, it is not to be imagined that he would have projected, and, being rior, would have attempted the execution of under no controul of orders from any supeso arduous a plan as the seeking for a passage, from the Pacific Ocean to the Atlantic Ocean, by the North of America: upon which attempt, it is justly observed in the Biographia Britannica, that his coasting North America to the height of 48 degrees, and endeavouring on that side to find a passage back into our sea, is the strongest proof of his consummate skill and invincible courage."

If he had

The fine old epigram upon Sir Francis Drake has not been omitted by this author:

Si taceant homines, facient-te sidera notum,
Sol nescit comitis non mcmor esse sui.
The Stars above will make thee known
If men were silent here,
The Sun himself cannot forget
His fellow traveller.

Old Owen the epigrammatist has one of his mongrel conceits upon the same worthy,

Ambitio Draki nullo reticebitur ævo, Ambivit Terras per mare Drakus Anas. There is a still quainter conceit which has somewhat strangely escaped Captain Burney's notice, though his volume evinces a

We consider this work as a very valu able addition to our maritime history. To execute it well required extensive knowledge, diligent research, and great professional skill, and these rare requi sites the author evidently possesses. There is nothing superfluous in the volume; whatever is not generally interesting, is either necessary to historical precision, or to practical science. The remaining parts of the work we may reasonably expect to rise in value and in interest, when Captain Burney comes to relate what he himself has seen.

FROM the preface to this bulky volume we copy Mr. Clarke's account of his work:

"The introduction to this volume will be found to contain a progressive memoir of maritime discoveries by the Cuthites, and Phenicians, the Greeks, Carthaginians, and Romans. The work itself, after some illustrations of commercial history, in which, among other subjects, the doubtful progress of the Norman mariners is glanced at, proceeds to review the early periods of Portuguese history prior to the fifteenth century; an account is then given of their most distinguished writers on Portuguese Asia and America; and the history of their discoveries follows, from the reign of John the first in 1385, to the arrival of da Gama in 1498 on the coast of Malabar; which completes the first great division of my labours. In the appendix are many curious and scarce tracts respecting navigation, which are intended to elucidate the preceding

pages."

Mr. Clarke's introduction fills 230 quarto pages; he entitles it an historical memoir of ancient maritime discoveries. This is altogether a work of supererogation; the antient discoveries are fit subjects for curious enquiry, for antiquarian research: but the dissertation here is misplaced. Whatever they may have been, they were forgotten; they have no more connection with modern discoveries than the history of the Roman republic with the history of the popes.

This memoir commences with a long discourse, for which a text may be found in old Thomas Fuller: "Was not God the first shipwright? and all vessels in the water descended from the loins, or rather ribs, of Noah's Ark? or else who durst be so bold with a few crooked

boards nailed together, a stick standing upright, and arag tied to it, to adventure into the ocean?" The discourse thus opens:

Imagination has delighted to trace the origin of navigation from the instinct of boyant Nautili, or the appearance of a floating oak, which amidst the sudden ravages of inundation supported the animal that had reposed beneath its shade. The celebrated fragment of Sanchoniatho the Phenician, which Eusebius has preserved, declares that Qusous one of his 'country, was the first that formed a canoe from a tree half consumed by fire: but the more enlightened historian will desist from the accustomed repetition of Pagan fables, and refer his readers to more

sublime and authentic records.

He will

recal to their attention that stupendous act of divine mercy and immutable justice, by which the human race was punished and preserved; by which the earth was purified throughout its most distant extent: he will affirm, and appeal to heaven for the truth of vigation was the ark of Noah, constructed his opinion, that the great archetype of naby divine direction.

"The pagan sage ignorant of that sacred history, was urged by an unpardonable impulse of vanity, to augment the obscurity which time and apostacy had cast over the earliest ages: he therefore assigned with no tended to give an idea of high antiquity to sparing hand to his own nation, whatever its annals; and employed the scattered events of postdiluvian history, as fair spoil, to enrich the splendid tissue of his own narration. Even the insigne of the triads of God, which eastern superstition had distinguished as the trident of the Indian Seeva, was given by a Strange infatuation to the Pagan Neptune; whose throne is described as placed in that abyss, which had been employed to destroy the impiety of preceding ages.

The plausible tale of Grecian mythology being once fabricated, was continued