to Murat his brother-in-law; and particularly to the death of general Joubert, a loss we do not well know to whom to attribute. The following is a short account of the events that preceded his usurpation : during the invasion of the Russians under the command of general Suwarrow, the French army was almost annihilated, by the frequent defeats it had undergone; the people loudly complained, and France hourly expected to be invaded by the conquering allied powers. The directory then adopted the plans of Robespierre; but the artful Sieyes, perceiving the deplorable situation of affairs, owing to the bad administration of the directory, exerted himself to the utmost to overturn ; and proposed to his accomplices to establish a more gentle government, that would better suit his ambitious views. In order to effect this, he held secret cabals with the different members of the two councils. Joubert, being young and enterprizing, was The recording of crimes i snot a useselected as a fit commander for the armies of ful occupation. It always diminishes Italy; and Sieyes, depending on the military in the readers of such narratives the talents of his protegé, intended to recall aversion to vindictive retaliation. Catahim when he should have defeated the enemy, to destroy the directorial faction; but logues of horrid deeds provoke enmity Joubert falling a sacrifice, their manœuvres indeed against the persons and the sects were changed. In the mean while, general to whom they are ascribed, and bring Fregeville, representative of the people, and those individuals and their opinions into lately married to the daughter of a rich discredit; but they almost always probroker of Beziers, (to whose charms he was duce analogous crimes in the imputing indebted for his intimacy with Lucien,) was party. Voltaire and the anti-christians charged by Sieyes to engage the latter to second his plans; this he effected, and it of France, were continually harping on was determined that Napoleon should be the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, and privately recalled, being alone capable of ex- describing minutely its circumstances. ecuting these great designs. From this time What was the consequence? These very forward, their secret assemblies were held in descriptions served for the model of the Madame Fregeville's boudoir, till the arrival massacre on the second of September. of Napoleon, who immediately seized on the "We will be even with them;" this is Consulate, (by fainting in the arms of his the secret resolution which all such hisgrenadiers,) to the great disappointment of tories of atrocity excite in the vulgar of the conspirators commanded by Sieyes. the opponent faction. One cannot but Madame Fregeville received 100,000 crowns, under the name of a present, as the price of wish, therefore, that all those who write her complaisance. Sieyes and Lucien had for the multitude, would be very shy of both aspired to the supreme command, thus detailing enormities. snatched from them by Bonaparte. Sieyes, on the new digestion of the present constitution, received, as an equivalent, a national estate, and Lucien was made minister of the interior; which not being sufficient to satisfy his ambition, highly exasperated him: Fre geville also was disgraced; but Bonaparte, dreading the anger of his brother, appointed him ambassador at the court of Spain, (intended as an honorable exile for a short time.) Napoleon then joined the army of Italy, and unjustly ascribed to himself the victory of Marengo, that was acquired by the courage and abilities of general Defaix, who perished in the action: he made this a pretext to get himself named Consul for life, (a nomination exacted by force.) This new dignity more than ever excited the jealousy of his brother Lucien, and of the other generals." ART. XLI. Invasion! Reflections on the Terrors of it. By the late very Rev. and venerable DR. TUCKER, Dean of Gloucester. 12mo. pp. 12. WHEN the dean of Gloucester wrote, the French territory extended no further east than Dunkirk; it now avowed. ly includes Flushing, and in fact extends to Emden. Sir Sidney Smith has stated in parliament, that from the ancient coast no efficacious invasion was practicable; but that from the modern, or Dutch coast, it is practicable. The maritime reasons for non-alarm formerly do not therefore all apply now. The French had, in 1780, many means of annoying us, in North America, and in the Indies; they were likely to prefer that direction of their forces and trea sures which would do most injury. They have now but one mode of annoying us, invasion. While they could choose the cheaper task, they chose it; but now they must invade, or do nothing. The French had formerly a mild humane prince, unwilling to fling away on rash ventures the lives of his people. They have now a monarch more covetous of dominion than of subjects; and an army too strong for the permanence of internal tranquillity, if it be assembled Z 4 and idle. The chance, therefore, of rash venture is much increased on their part. Let us suppose that of a force embarked, without a protecting navy, in Dutch fishing-boats, one-third would be met and sunk at sca. Let us suppose another third would be run aground on the shoals and sand-banks near the English coast, in consequence of cutting away the buoys, and snuffing out the light houses; there would still remain a third to be fought by the people ashore. Some persons so much doubt the policy of driving the country, as it is called, that is of destroying all the corn, flour, and other provision in the sea-ports near the landing-place, that it will probably be ineflicaciously executed. The people think that the French would take care to be fed in preference; and that they should be starved themselves by the at tempt at starvation. The necessity for transports, therefore, about which so much is said here, may be overstated. We are assured by this author, (p. 7) that from the time the French boats are seen in the offing, to the time of landing, three days must intervene. How extravagant a calculation! How igno rant an assertion! And, after all, why allay the public apprehension? why diminish the public precaution? Is not the volunteering system as favourable to peace and to liberty, as to protection? We presume, however, that some persons, who dislike to learn the use of arms, choose to be supplied with pretences for indolenceand the most decorous is to see no danger. To such persons, we recommend the purchase and distribution of Dr. Tucker's Reflections on Invasion. ART. XLII. Proceedings at a General Meeting of the Loyal North Britions, held at the Crown and Anchor, August 8, 1803; containing a correct Copy of the celebrated Speech of James Mackintosh, Esq.; the Stanzas spoken on the same Occasion, by Thomas Camp bell, Esq.; and the Substance of the Speeches of the Right Hon. Lord Reay and J. Ŵ. Adam, Esq. on being elected Officers of the Corps. 8vo. pp. 43. IT is sufficient to copy the title of this little pamphlet: we would, however, notice one trivial error in Mr. Campbell's stanzas he says Let a death-bed repentance be taught the proud foe. But the spirit of his poem is to swear that the invaders shall not die in their beds. The appendix contains, among other pieces, Mr. Bonsanquet's Declaration, Burns's fine ode of Bannock-Burn, and the War Song of the Edinburgh Dra goons, one of the productions of a gen tleman, of whom every production is good. ART. XLIII. England's Egis; or the Military Energies of the Empire. By JOHN CARTWRIGHT, Esq. 12mo. pp. 191. IT is particularly worthy of remark, and ought to teach us a lesson of toleration and confidence, that the numerous body of people who were injuriously marked by the last administration as disaffected, and eager to overthrow the constitution, are actually now among the foremost to offer their lives in its defence. It is a fact, that in some parts of the kingdom, a majority of the volunteer corps is composed of those persons, who, a few years ago, were branded as republicans and levellers: their country is in danger, and they have evinced their patriotism in coming forward in its defence. The name of Major Cartwright is familiar to most of our readers: he has employed his pen and his sword on more occasions than one; and it is well known that the freedom, perhaps the incautious freedom with which he has used the former, excited the sus picion of a jealous administration, as to the use he might be disposed to make of the latter. The plan which Major Cartwright recommends, as being in itself the most efficient for defence, and constituting at the same time an essential part of the constitution of the country, is, that the King should have recourse to the origi nal militia of the Saxon times, the past comitatus. He reprobates standing armies as injurious to the liberties of the subject; contends that every man should be taught the use of arms, and be pos sessed of them; in short, he would have the volunteer system extended to embrace every individual, and instead of being a temporary, converted into a permaneut measure of defence. In addition to the Egis as a shield Major Cartwright has dedicated to his country as a weapon, the Britannic spear: this weapon is described at length, together with the double-barrelled boarding pistol; their advantages are detailed, a plate is given of them; a pattern of the spear will be deposited with some mechanic who will undertake to make them, and a reference left with the pub lisher of Major Cartwright's work. We are not very conversant in tactics, or competent to appropriate the comparative excellence of different weapons; we have, however, remarked, that when any desperate onset is to be made, it is customary to take out the flints from the soldier's firelock, and charge with the bayonet. This looks as if the musquet had lost its superiority: pikes and spears are getting into fashion, and we should like to see revived the old English weapon, that victorious weapon which defeated the French on their own soil, on the plains of Cressy, Poictiers, and Agincourt, the LONG BOW. For several successive centuries, this country acquired a formidable celebrity for its skill and saccess in archery: all our victories over the French in their own country were effected by the bow, and these victories are known to be many and decisive. The carnage produced by this weapon, particularly where it is opposed to cavalry, is dreadful; and at Poictiers, the English took prisoners to the amount of double the number of their own army! It has been estimated that not more than one ball in eighty-five takes effect in a day's action. About six years ago Mr. Oswald Mason published a little pamphlet, entitled "Pro Aris et Focis," &c.; the object of which was to revive the use of the long bow and the pike; it was published for Egerton. A republication of it now would be of service, and if it were enlarged by an historical account of the different battles in which we have fought with this national weapon, by an account of the numbers of the contending armies, and the weapons of our ene mies; and if to this was added, an account of the principal statutes, which at different times have been enacted for the enforcement, and of prizes, which at different times have been offered, for the encouragement of the long bow; it would be a very interesting and useful work. There are a few societies of archers at this time in Great Britain; the Toxophilites, the Woodmen of Arden, and the Royal Company of Archers in Scotland, which last is said to have been instituted by James I. of Scotland, for the encouragement of archery. The majority, if not the total of these societies, however, are now merely societies for exercise and amusement, like cricket clubs: whether they might not be increased and made. subservient to the national defence, is a question which we must leave to the discussion of others. ART. XLIV. The Parallel between England and Carthage, and between France and Rome, examined, by a Citizen of Dublin. 8vo. pp. 47. IT was hardly necessary to write a pamphlet to shew the absurdity of the boasted parallel which France has made between herself and Rome, and between England and Carthage. It has given occasion, however, to some animated declamation on the part of a patriotic citizen of Dublin, who, if he speak with the same fluency and spirit with which he writes, might harangue an army on the eve of action with considerable ef fect. ART. XLV. A few Cursory Remarks upon the State of Parties during the Administra◄ tion of the Right Hon. Henry Addington. By a NEAR OBSERVER. 8vo. pp. 48. ART. XLVI. A plain Answer to the Misrepresentations and Calumnies contained in the Cursory Remarks of a Near Observer. By a more ACCURATE OBSERVER. 8vo. pp. 83. THE former of these pamphlets is an attack directed for the most part against ine expelled chiefs of the anti-jacobin ministry, for their parliamentary conduct towards Lord Hawkesbury, Mr. Addington, and the other underlings of the party, who found themselves con verted into ministers by the dismission of their masters. The charges and accusations here brought forwards are repelled, or attempted to be repelled, by the author of the latter publication. The Near Observer begins by representing the late ministry as voluntarily seceding from their official situations at the most critical and difficult period of the war; when, abandoned by our allies, mortified by defeat, weighed down with accumulated taxes, our sovereign indisposed, and incapable of administering the affairs of his government, we were left to contend, single-handed, both with the French republic and the Northern confederacy. "At such a moment," says the author," his majesty's late ministers thought proper to retire from his service," &c. This charge is refuted by the More Accurate Observer, who affirms that Mr. Pitt and his friends had tendered their resignations" days and weeks" before the king's illness; and that at the time of doing so, Mr. Pitt made a distinct offer to retain his situation until the war should be concluded, and the country relieved from its most pressing difficulties, provided that, in the mean time, no attempt should be made to prejudge the question, a difference of opinion on which had led to his resignation. Al though this offer was not accepted, the king's illness suspended the new arrangements, and Mr. Pitt actually remained in the full exercise of his official duties till the recovery of his majesty. own admission that Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville are both fools and knaves. The last important subject in dispute between the Near Observer and the Accurate Observer, relates to the negoti ation between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Addington, on the readmission of the former to a place in the cabinet. This we shall present to our readers first in the words of Mr. Addington's partizan. Melville, and was conducted by him; not "This negotiation originated with Lord do I at all fear being mistaken in stating, that the intentions and conduct of that noble lord were fair, honourable, and impartial. "In the negotiation which his lordship conducted, I think it proper that it should be known, that there was no obstacle upon the part of ministry to his lordship's retum, with Mr. Pitt and others of his friends; I Mr. Addington and others of the present addo not say upon a footing of equality with ministration, but beyond it. It is proper that it should be known, that the treaty did not go off (as has been pretended) on account of the want of a message from a quarter, too high to be mentioned, a communication which would not have been wanting in de time, if the negotiation could have bee brought to an issue upon the terns I have mentioned; but that it broke off ti.c upon positive unalterable demand of Mr. Pitt himself, to bring back with him the Lords Greville and Spencer, with other noble ar honourable persons, who had disapproved of every measure of the government, who were in the habit of personal incivility and disrespect, and who were adverse to ti whole spirit and principle of the administra tion." The More Accurate Observer on the The second accusation relates to the violation of a solemn promise of support made by the old ministers to the new. "His majesty's most gracious offer of his confidence to Mr. Addington could pot have been, and was Nor, definitively accepted until a solemn authentic pledge other hand, says: of honour had been given by the late ministers for their CONSTANT, ACTIVE, and ZEALOUS SUPPORT. I do assert that Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville did sacredly and solemnly enter into this exact agreement, and in this precise form of words." In reply to this serious charge, we find nothing satisfactory advanced by the more accurate Observer; he says, indeed, and says truly, that to give to any set of men a promise of constant support, let their conduct be what it would, is inconsistent with every idea not only of public duty, but even of common sense, or common honesty. This, how ever, appears to be rather an imprudent assertion, because, so long as the direct testimony of his adversary remains uncontradicted, it will follow from his "Towards the end of March, or at t beginning of April, upon the eve of war after it was distinctly known to Mr. Addi... ton that Mr. Pitt strongly disapproved ment, and after an overture had been ma some of the leading measures of his gover on the part of Mr. Addington, too foolish, had almost said, too insulting to be notice a distinct proposition (originating, rot, a has been insinuated, with Lord Meli but entirely with Mr. Addington him was made to Mr. Pitt, the object of whe was his return to the official situation formerly held in the administration; a as I understand, the arrangement was have taken place whenever the negotian brought to a conclusion. It was also sig then pending with France should have be fied, that vacancies would be made for purpose of admitting Lord Melville into cabinet, and some other of Mr. Pitt's fric into different official situations. To this sine qua non was insisted upon, as the proposition Mr. Pitt replied, that he would "Near Observer" alledges, with respect to not enter upon the question of arrangements, the admission of Lord Grenville, or of any until he was distinctly informed by a mes- other person, into the cabinet. All that Mr. sage from the highest quarter, that his ser- Pitt required was, that he should be at vices were thought essential; that if so call-liberty to submit to his majesty whatever he ed upon, in spite of the precarious state of his health, he should not decline the offer of his best advice and assistance; that he was fully aware of the great and increasing difficulties of the country; and that he saw the necessity of a strong, vigorous, and efficient government. That if called upon by his majesty, he should feel it to be his duty to propose an administration consisting principally of the members of the present and of the late government; that in the general arrangement which he should submit for his majesty's consideration, he should, if they assented, include the Lords Grenville and Spencer, but that he should press no person whatever upon his majesty, only reserving to himself the power of declining the undertaking altogether, if he could not form such a government as would enable him, in his judgment, to conduct the affairs of the nation with a fair probability of success. No thought best for his majesty's service, unfettered by any previous condition; and he positively declined committing himself upon the question of particular arrangements until his majesty's pleasure had been distinctly signified to him." We pretend not to reconcile these palpable contradictions, nor to decide whether the ex-minister or Mr. Addington, by these their representatives, is attempting to impose upon the public: they have been both brought up in the same school of intrigue and falsehood, et cantare pares et repondere parati; but from the proverbial candour and veracity of Lord Melville, we may, no doubt, expect, at the proper time, com plete satisfaction. ART. XLVII. Elements of Opposition. 8vo. pp. 99. THIS is by far the most acute party pamphlet that has appeared since the ac cession of Mr. Addington to the ministerial throne. It consists of fifty-three rules, by the due observance of which, the young senator may become a complete oppositionist: the examples are principally taken from the speeches of Lord Grenville, Mr. Windham, and the other leaders of the anti-jacobins, whose political profligacy and shameless inconsistencies are exposed with no inconsiderable effect. We select the following, as a favourable specimen both of the style and matter. "RULE 29. "How to describe a new minister. "However, as the country may not like the exclusive claims of one family, and as another candidate has been proposed, it is every way fair and proper to state his qualifications. His particular friends, indeed, to hom he lends the weight of his talents, are content with promising the country that he imore fit for the eminent station of first minister, than any other person; that Mr. Pitt is jealous of his ascendancy; and that all the sound part of the ration look to him at this crisis, &c. This too is modest, and it ought to be shewn by particulars, how Just, as well as disinterested, such a recommendation is. The qualifications, therefore, for a first minister ought to be the follow ing: "1. He should be himself alarmed, and foud of alarms in other men. Such a man will compliment Lord Mornington for having described things in so masterly and that these very words were used by Mr. alarming a manner.' Accordingly we find, Windham, Jan. 1794. 66 2. Such a man, if accused of inconsistency, will immediately allow it, and disarm an opponent at once; for where is the use of urging a man upon a point which he readily grants, and about which he appears to be utterly careless? He had no objection to suppose inconof a similar nature, viz. voluntary contribusistency in his language on two occasions tions. "He would not answer how far an eager desire to carry his immediate purpose might have hurried him in the assertions he made use of. And, perhaps, in the eagerness of debate, he had employed expressions with inconsiderate warmth.'' Mr. W. April 7, 1794. "After this, Mr. Grey had no need to express the pain he felt, that a gentleman should treat even his own opinions so lightly, as to say he had inconsiderately taken up arguments which he could not justify, for the sake of carrying his purpose for the moment; and that he should do this at a solemn meeting of his county. And what must be thought of a gentleman acting with such levity?' "Mr. Grey, we all know, is very properly tenacious of an opinion once expresseda But the future minister of this country is |