be awakened by a sense of their danger, may choose to confide in such expedients, and to suffer themselves to be lulled into security by florid declamations on the commerce and opulence of the country. Under these circumstances, it will be lost labour to reason and expostulate. But the period must come away, and we when this delusion will vanish ART. LII. Royal Letters. Correspondence between his Majesty, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and Mr. Addington, respecting the offer of Military Service made by his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales. 8vo. pp. 16. IN perusing these letters there are three subjects that naturally present themselves for investigation. The first is the general question, whether in a government, constituted like the British, it is adviseable that the heir apparent to the throne should be allowed to occupy a high military situation. The second relates to the particular subject of discussion between the prince of Wales and he king; and the third consideration is, how far it would conduce to the public rood, if, in the present circumstances of the nation, the prince was appointed o a general command. The idleness and dissipation of princes sa favourite topic of ignorant declanation: as if it were possible that a nan, without professional employment, eprived, for the most part, of civil ad political influence, and of the very ighest rank, could avoid giving way, nore or less, to that indolence and love f pleasure, from which nothing, but he necessity of active exertion and abence from the contagion of bad examle, can secure even those who are the st carefully educated. The pursuits literature, of natural and experiental philosophy, are by no means ited to be the favourite and habitual adies of a prince of Wales; they are ther connected with the art of govern3, nor do they encourage those habits ctivity in the dispatch of business, that prompt decision which are so uliarly valuable in the character of a vereign. The want of responsibility quanfies the heir of the throne for exercise of any ministerial office, to mention other equally strong obtions: the only alternative left, therere, is the army or the senate. It is it to be expected, and perhaps not to wished, that the direction of the ble military force, or even a high inpendent command, should be entrusted the sovereign to his future successor; is it likely that the prince should be tisfied with one considerably inferior what, by his birth, he might seem to ANS. REV. VOL. II. be entitled; the business of an officer, also, during peace, is by no means sufficient to occupy the time duly and regu larly; and the habits and avocations of a camp are but little qualified to teach that respect for the laws and civil authority, which ought to be always characteristic of a king of Britain. But in the regular and active discharge of those duties which his situation as a peer of the realm appears to demand, a prince of Wales may be both fully, usefully, and honourably occupied. The study and practice of eloquence, the investigation of general principles of policy, and their application to real life, are pursuits not only highly respectable, but strictly professional in the man who is destined by birth to fill the highest office in the state. Being possessed of no immediate patronage, his opposition could not thwart any wise and patriotic design of ministers, but would be a most valuable check upon any unwise or unprincipled projects. The proceedings of the house of peers would be viewed with more interest than at present, and their influence on the public mind would more nearly balance that of the house of commons. While the sovereign continued vigorous, and his ministers able, the weight of the prince would be comparatively small; as, on the other hand, in contrary circumstances, it would, as it ought to do, increase; and its advance or retrogression being visible to the nation, the improvement of the commonwealth must be the aim, and the public approbation the reward of both parties. It appears from these letters, that the prince of Wales solicited the king in 1798 to be allowed to accompany the army on foreign service: this was refused, but a promise was made, that if any thing should happen at home, the prince "should be first and foremost." In consequence of this, his royal highness, upon the prospect of invasion, requested to be promoted in the army; naturally supposing that the heir to the throne was not in a situation to be "first A a and foremost," while occupying no higher rank than that of a colonel of dragoons. This request was denied, because, according to the duke of York, it was expressly stipulated, when the prince received his regiment, that he should receive no further promotion in the army. This is denied by the prince of Wales, and here the matter rests for the present. On these transactions we do not presume to give any opinion; but we think that the national interests are by no means endangered, in refusing to entrust the command of an army to an officer who has never had an oppor tunity of being engaged in actual m litary service. ART. LIII. Observations on the Temper and Spirit of the Irish Nation at the pret Crisis. By J. P. WINTER, Eq. 8vo. pp. 50. THIS pamphlet is written with considerable elegance: our readers will be gratified by the following extract. "Unfortunately there are men, whose chief object seems to have been to perpetuate discord; who, assuming to be themselves the support of governinent, have been at pains to deprive it of the support of millions. Yes, there are those whose loyalty is more fatal to the state than the treason of others. These men are not the advocates of power, that all may be secure under its protection; but they would fain ally themselves to power, that they may injure and defame with more audacity. In the midst of a populous nation, they have no country: they are but the members of a party. Reviling all who subscribe not implicitly to their opinions, continually repeating and perverting the tale of our calamities, they suffer not the better feelings of the country to prevail, and unite us together in amity. They seem fearful lest harmony and concord, established among all ranks and parties, should deprive them of their wonted gratifications, and, leaving them no object to vilify and insult, should leave their minds without occupation. "Should any symptoms of discontent break out in the country, (and it is perhaps too much to flatter ourselves that there will be none) these men will immediately clamour for the adoption of the harshest and most violent measures, such as their intemperate zeal may dictate, and which shall give full scope to their vengeful passions. Let us, for the sake of the country and humanity, hope that their wishes will not be indulged, nor their suggestions listened to. It is undoubtedly reasonable, when the safety of the state is endangered, that the hands of government should be strengthened, and measures of additional security adopted. But there is a point, beyond which a just and honourable man will not go, even to protect himself from threatened destruction. These violations of order to preserve order; these outrages to restrain outrages; these short cuts of policy by which the innocent and the guilty are confounded, however they are pretended to be justified by necessity, do in fact originate in some vile and contemptible passion; in party rancour, which seizes the opportunity of gratifying its malignity, or in coward fear, which thinks every thing excused by its apprehensions of danger. The 46 Nor is this character of magnanimity less'wise, in the main, than it is humane a generous. It gives a lustre and respect to a cause, which do it much more effectual vice than the dishonourable precautions of a timid or cruel policy; which virtuous n.. participate in with reluctance, or keep a from with indignation.-It never surely be the interest of a government to confo itself with the violators of law and the petrators of outrage. Thought it may necessary it should unsheath the sword, never ought to throw aside the robes of j tice. When it appears disarrayed and vested of the sacred symbols of its right H authority; when it enters the lists with opponents in their own mode of war, and engages them with their own weaper we are puzzled at the scene before us: we longer recognize the depositaries of legitira power and the public majesty; we see violence and faction, and scarcely h where to fix our hopes, or whether Such is the ground of hope remains. to which a country is reduced by intemp counsels; but let its trust that we shal thus witness their fatal preponderance." It ought to be the object of all po cal writers to define the remedies of wrongs they state; to recommend m ness and conciliation is not enoug of Will any thing, ought any thing, s men that were to defend their counes, was this, that they were to hazard eir persons for their altars and hearths, their religion and their houses: but by s arbitrary way that was practised in land, and counselled in England, no n had any certainty either of his reion, or of his house, or any thing e, to be his own. But, besides this, th arbitrary courses have an ill operaupon the courage of a nation, by basing the hearts of the people. A vile condition doth, in time, beget in n a slavish temper and disposition. nse that live so much under the whip the pillory, and such engines of torture as were frequently used by the earl of Strafford, they may have the dregs of valour, sullenness, and stubbornness, and revenge, which may make them prone to mutinies and discontents: but of those noble and gallant affections, which put men on brave designs and attempts for the preservation or enlargement of a kingdom, they are hardly capable. Shall it be treason to embase the king's coin, though but a piece of twelve-pence, and must it not needs be a greater treason to embase the minds of his subjects, and to set upon them a stamp and character of disaffection?" T. LIV. Hints on the Policy of making a National Provision for the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland, addressed to J. Bagwell, Esq. 8vo. pp. 48. THE simplest method of making a coming national provision for the Roin catholic clergy of Ireland, would -to repeal the act of uniformity. The advowsons could then be preted by catholic proprietors to catholic ests; and thus the established religion id, in the country, every where code with the actual distribution of perty. In towns, the rights of pretation might be purchased by paGes; and an elective priesthood would s arise, coinciding in religious opi, with the population. In Great Britain some changes of her kind would take place. The dual petitioning clergy would castrate ar liturgies, to suit the modesty of ir creed. The dukes of Grafton, d other socinian noblemen (if others tre be), would be able to present their rices to the unitarian clergy. The tareships, and similar elective instions in the large towns, could be conded for by calvinists, methodists, bapand others, who are now obliged to be aratists. Thus a practical comprehenof the dissentient sects would be complished in the established church: other words, a co-establishment of I denomination's would, by this easy ress, be effected; and each sect would ire a share or interest in the eccletical property, exactly proportioned its numbers and its opulence. No an would have been disturbed in his red, or in his property. All would tree to differ about doctrine, and would ite about discipline or constitution. onsequently, the perpetuation of the tional church, and not its overthrow, ould shortly become the object of all sects universally. This would perhaps strengthen the church too much for the convenience of the statesman; but it would secure a religion progressive with the culture of the community. Our author's proposal is rather different. "Let the roman catholic clergyman be appointed by and provided for by government, and you lay the foundation-stone of Irish prosperity, of true catholic emancipation." He thus proceeds in the sketch of his plan: "If government pay the priest, it is but just it should appoint him. As to mere questions of faith, I see no serious objections to their remaining in the hands of the old lady, who now appears to have lost every spark of that termagant humour which once bours. The appointment of bishops should made her so very formidable to her neighexclusively belong to government; that of priests, perhaps, may be subject to a moditied approbation of the diocesan, who, in case of objection, should state the same to government, which might then finally decide. It may be right to consider each priest in the light of a vicar, and never to adinit a curate but in case of necessity, to be first allowed by the bishop. Moderate stipends will suffice men professing a life of celibacy. Accumulation for the support of a family can never be an object with them; and the dread of indigence in the decrepitude of age may be guarded against, by admitting substitutes under certain regulations. In endeavouring to avoid the dangerous extremes of penury on the one hand, and of affluence on the other, it will be satisfactory to contemplate the happy result of the equal and moderate system established in Scotland; a system which diffuses social order, industry, and content over the bleak and barren hills tythes, somewhat similar to the incou and to make up the deficiency by ar the neat or profit rent of land. Now, of the 1200 parishes be taken at 500 annum, a tax of 10 per cent. will ge sum of 40,000l. In like manner, if t maining 400 parishes be taken at 300 annum each, they will give 12,000l. m together 52,000l.; which will leave th of 68,000l. to be raised by assessment, 561. for each parish-a very inconsi sum, compared to the poor-rates raised best-administered parishes of England of the north. There, if I am rightly informed, the parish minister enjoys an income of about 1001. per annum. Were the income of the parish priest in Ireland to be fixed at 801. per annum, it may be found sufficient to raise him above the contempt of poverty, and to supply him with those comforts and accommodations essential to the independence and effectual performance of his clerical functions. In great towns, where the dearness of provisions and house-rent make a greater expence necessary, it may be right to advance the income to 100l. per annum. With regard to the bishops, who doubtless would be men of respectability, their revenues, perhaps, ought not to be less than 300l. per annum. A minute accuracy is not necessary in a general outline of a plan which I shall offer, merely to show the easy practicability of the proposed measure. I have endeavoured to be as correct as my materials would allow; at the same time I consider the establishment of the principle the main desideratum. Agree to the measure, and the means will suggest themselves. There are in Ireland about 1200 parishes, including unions, which are no more than extensive parishes. Now the number of parishes, multiplied by a hundred, gives 120,000l. This sum, divided by eighty, the average income proposed for each priest residing in the country, leaves 24,000l.; a sum which may be found sufficient to pay the bishops, and such additional priests as may be judged necessary for the very extensive parishes or unions. Now, to raise this sum I propose that a tax be laid upon all ART. LV. Hints for the Improvement of the Irish Fishery. By GEORGE N. WHA 8vo. pp. 45. DICTYNNA, a nymph of Diana, in other words, an old maid, invented, if certain antients may be trusted, the art of making nets. She is said to have been beloved by Minos, the wise law giver, and had temples on the shores of Crete. To Dictynna then the human race is indebted for that vast supply of food, and demand for labour, which derive from the use of the fishing-net; nor should the modern legislator onit to offer homage to her art, or to collect on the shores of his empire the establishments of her votaries. It happens however that many things are needful to make fishing thrive, besides the good-will of the magistrate and the coasters. A country must have become very populous, for the contiguous district to consume what the coast can catch, at a price worth pursuing. Sannazarius no where describes fishwo men indifferent about what their wares will fetch. The market of a large lux urious town should be, within reach, This proposed taxation of the will not be very acceptable to the lished clergy; this poor's rate fo new priest will not be very accep to the parishioner; and the whole proceeds on the supposition of a ri or competition of religious in parish. Why should the catholic stop at his ten per cent. on the t Will not he perceive that it only pends on his zealotry and activity to halve it? Let parishes be encour to buy in their advowsons, an them elect teachers of any descrip it is for the minority, if they ch different faith, to provide for thei pastors. It is much to be wished, that person of weight in the religious would formally propose a repeal act of uniformity. If fish are caught for distant ma and are salted up for exportation capital requisite to provide the and warehouses, the barrels, and t and shipping, is immense; and tablished mercantile interest must exist to forward every thing to its p destination. How should these t be every where found in so rude a unsettled a country as Ireland? some evangelical christians will sub largely to buy in the produce fishery, and distribute it in grat meals to any 4 or 5000, whom ht patriotism, or piety might convene, is no prospect of an effectual de: The artificial consumption of a ca religion, which sets apart a hu days in the year for the eating c is not sufficient to overcome the tural disadvantages. Vatil capi more abundant and more difused, Francis might plead for the improv of the Irish fishery, and the fishes hearken unalarmed, 1 One important use, however, is likely result from directing to this branch industry, the literary patriotism of e Irish: it will occasion the collection d preservation of much information ncerning fishery; it will secure the cord of much traditional experience. e produce of agriculture, on the ne extent of surface, is said to have reased one sixth, since its practices ve been published, commented, and mpared: a similar result will be the sequence of disserting on marine agriare. The migrations of fish along eastern coast, now take place nearly nonth later than they did fifty years ; but every observation favours the spicion, that the same precise degree temperature attracts them to the old nks as before. The natural history fish is an important study; it may be rth while to offer national premiums catching certain useless fish, merely cause they interfere with the multiplition of the useful kinds, as is done r wolves and moles. The following is an important fact: it was practicable to invent an easier and more expeditious method of caption than by the customary one of lines. His reflection taught the herring and mackarel nets are constructed, him to imagine, that the principle, on which might be applied with equal success to the larger description of fish. He had a net so contrived, and the experiment surpassed his most sanguine expectations. "The trammel in use is about 40 fathoms in length, and three in breadth with a mesh of five inches in diameter. Four of these nets, connected by a rope passing along the sunk with leads to the bottom of the water. extremity of each, compose a set. This is It is sustained in a perpendicular direction by means of corks affixed to the upper part of it. Thus, it arrests the progress of the fish, entangling by the gills and elsewhere, all those passing in its course, the smaller ones excepted. At each end of the connecting rope is fastened two heavy stones, which serve as anchors, besides two buoy-ropes, for the purpose of ascertaining its position." In the present circumstances of the occidental island, it would perhaps be most expedient to institute a society for piscatory information. The means of transplanting shell-fish to an adapted beach, or of alluring whales to an airy. bay, may, step by step, be ascertained, and England learn from Irish observers to pasture new fishes on her shoals. RT. LVI. Essays on the Population of Ireland, and the Characters of the Irish. By a Member of the last Irish Parliament. 8vo. pp. 54. THIS valuable pamphlet comprizes to dissertations; the one statistical, the population of Ireland; the other Rosophic, on the character of its inha ants. The first is the more important essay: displays greater research, and comes more valuable information. The salt of this writer's enquiries and spelations are thus tabulated. Assuming then that the people of Irend amounted, at the beginning of the last ury, to about one million, I find no difa ty in affirming, that on an average, since ear 1700, they have experienced an in*se of one-fifth or thereabouts every eleven ats; and that accordingly there were about 1,200,000 people in Ireland in 1711 1,410,000 1,728,000 2,073,600 2,488,320 2,985,984 8.583,174 4.200,808 nd 5,139,709 in 1722 in 1733 in 1744 in 1755 in 1761 in 1777 in 1788 in 1799 "I would not, however, be understood to ffirm that the increase of people in Ireland Its not absolutely a trammel, although was uniform throughout the course of the last hundred years. I have sufficient reason for suspecting that it was less remarkable for celerity towards the commencement, than towards the middle of the last century. I ing some of the above periods, by excessive know that it was considerably retarded, dur emigrations. And I perceive ample grounds for entertaining an opinion that it has been much more rapid since 1777, and infinitely more so since 1785, than it was at any period anterior to the former year. The foregoing table therefore is not offered as an accurate exhibition of the periodical numbers of people in Ireland, notwithstanding its general and striking coincidence with the dif ferent computations that have been made; but merely as a useful guide, which certainly will not lead us beyond the truth, in our reasonings on the population of that country, so long as the political circumstances thereof continue in their present posture. 66 According to Mr. Bushe's computation, which is now universally relied on, and which first served to dissipate a very great, and perhaps dangerous error, with regard to the subject on which I am writing, there were 4,040,000 inhabitants in Ireland in the year 1788. But that gentleman's computation probably falling short of the truth, as general report has given it that appellation. |