domestic quarrels, and accelerated the ruin of their independence. But yet, under all these disadvantages, they maintained the unequal conflict against the Anglo-Saxons with wonderful bravery, and did not lose the sovereignty of their country until the improvements of their conquerors made the conquest a blessing. Cynegils, with the West Saxons, again assailed some branches of the Britons. If Bampton in Devonshire be the place which the Saxon annalist denominates Beamdune, the princes of Cornwall were the objects of attack. When the armies met, Cynegils surprised the Britons by drawing up his forces into an arrangement which was not common to that age. This display and the sight of the battle-axes, which the Saxons were brandishing, affected them with a sudden panic, and they quitted the field early, with the loss of above two thousand men.31 s1 Hunt. 316. Sax. Chron. 25. Camden supposes the place to have been Bindon in Dorsetshire, i. 44. Gough's ed. The editor mentions favourably the opinion of Gibson, which is in the text, ib. p. 50. СНАР. V. 610. 614. Cynegils' victory. BOOK III. CHAP. VI. The Introduction of Christianity among the ANGlo-Saxons in THE history of the Anglo-Saxons has, thus far, been the history of fierce, barbaric tribes; full of high courage, excited spirit, persevering resolution, great activity, and some military skill; but with minds. which, although abounding with talent and love of enterprise, and inventive of political institutions well adapted to their position and necessities, were void of all lettered cultivation; unused to the social sympathies, and averse from the intellectual refinements, of which they were naturally capable. These great blessings of human life were introduced among them with that peculiar form of Christianity, which the benevolent feelings and religious enthusiasm of Pope Gregory (deservedly, with all his imperfections, surnamed the Great) conveyed into England by his missionary Augustin. This great mental, moral, and, we may add from some of its results, political revolution was suggested and accomplished by a train of coincidences, which deserve to be recollected.1 While we give the missionaries of Gregory the honour of thus introducing Christianity amongst the conquering Saxons, we must not forget that it was already existing, and long survived independently, among the conquered Britons. Many facts show that the British church, in the fourth and fifth century, held an influential position, and took an active part in the ecclesiastical proceedings of the age. The Christian population, however, retired under the pressure of the Saxon invasion into Wales, and the south-western parts of England, and partly from the divisions in relation to the opinions of Pelagius; partly from the deep hostility between the British and Saxon populations, and partly from the active support which Rome gave to the Saxon hierarchy as in more direct dependence upon herself, the more ancient British hierarchy lost ground, and became gradually absorbed into the Roman church. In 770 the Roman reckoning of Easter-tide was accepted; and, by the end of the eleventh century, all remains of independence even in Wales had disappeared, VI. The Roman papacy had felt the advantage, to CHAP. itself, of the conversion of the Gothic nations; and Gregory, in succeeding to that dignity, would have imbibed a disposition to promote the same religious policy, if his own earnest belief in Christianity had not led him to befriend it. But the Anglo-Saxons were not the only nation of Europe that were then pagans. All Germany, and all the nations from the Rhine to the Frozen Ocean, and all the Slavonian tribes, were of this description. England, which Rome had long before amused itself with describing, as cut off from the whole world, and as approaching the frozen and half-fabled Thule, was so remote, and had been so separated by its Saxon conquerors, from any connection with the civilised regions, that it seemed to be the country least adapted to interest him. But a circumstance, which does credit to his heart, had turned the current of Gregory's feelings towards our island, before he had reached the papacy. It was then the practice of Europe to make use of slaves, and to buy and sell them; and this traffic was carried on, even in the western capital of the Christian church. As he was passing one day through the market at Rome, the white skins, the flowing locks, and beautiful countenances of some youths who were standing there for sale, interested Gregory's sensibility.2 To his inquiries from what country they had been brought, the answer was, from Britain, whose inhabitants were all of that fair complexion. Were they Pagans or Christians? was his next question: a The chronicler of St. Augustin's monastery at Canterbury, W. Thorn, mentions that these were three boys: "Videt in foro Romano tres pueros Anglicos," Decem. Script. p. 1757. In the Anglo-Saxon homily on Gregory's birth-day, published by Mrs. Elstob, it is stated that English merchants had carried them to Rome, and that the practice was continuing. "Tha gelamp het æt rumum ræle spa spa gyt for oft deth, that Englisce cythmen bɲohton heopa pane to Romana bypig. Linegonius eode be thære stræt to tham Engliscum mannum heopa thing reeapigende. Tha gereah he betpuxt tham panum cypecnichtas gesette. Tha papon briter lichaman) fægres I plitan man æthelice gereaxode," p. 11. BOOK III. proof not only of his ignorance of the state of England, but also, that, up to that time, it had occupied no part of his attention. But thus brought as it were to a personal knowledge of it, by these few representatives of its inhabitants, he exclaimed, on hearing that they were still idolaters, with a deep sigh: "What a pity, that such a beauteous frontispiece should possess a mind so void of internal graces!" The name of their nation being mentioned to him to be Angles, his ear caught the verbal coincidence. The benevolent wish for their improvement darted into his mind, and he expressed his own feelings, and excited those of his auditors by remarking: "It suits them well: they have angel faces, and ought to be the co-heirs of the angels in heaven." A purer philanthropy perhaps never breathed from the human heart, than in these sudden effusions of Gregory's. That their provincial country Deira, should resemble the words De ira, seemed to his simple mind to imply, that they ought to be plucked from the wrath of God; and when he heard that their king's name was called Ella, the consonancy of its sound with the idea then floating in his mind, completed the impression of the whole scene. His full enthusiasm burst out. "Hallelujah! the praise of the creating Deity must be sung in these regions."3 This succession of verbal coincidences affected his mind with a permanent impression of the most benevolent nature. He went to the then pope, and prayed him to send some missionaries to convert the English nation, and offered himself for the service. His petition was refused, but the project never left his mind, till he was himself enabled 3 Bede, Hist. lib. ii. c. 1. p. 78. This incident was probably in Gregory's mind, when he wrote this passage in his moral exposition of Job. "Ecce lingua Britanniæ, quæ nil aliud noverat, quam barbarum frendere; jamdudum in divinis laudibus Hebræum cepit, Halleluia, resonare," lib. xxvi. c. 6. p. 688. ed Paris. to accomplish it. As Ella died in 589, this incident must have occurred before this year. In 592, Gregory became pope, and four years afterwards he attempted to execute his purpose. He selected a monk named Augustin, as the fittest for the chief of the mission, and added some other monks of congenial feelings to assist it. They set out on their journey, but the dread of encountering a nation so ferocious as the Saxons had the character of being, and ignorance of their language, overcame both their resolution and their zeal. They stopped, began their return to Rome, and sent Augustin back to solicit Gregory not to insist on their pursuing an enterprise so dangerous and so little likely to be availing. 1 Gregory prevailed on Augustin to resume the mission, and answered the entreaties of the rest by a short but impressive letter. He remarked to them that it was more disgraceful to abandon an undertaking once begun, than to have at first declined it. That as the work was good, and would receive the Divine aid, they ought to pursue it. He reminded them of the glory that would recompense their sufferings in another world, and he appointed Augustin their abbot, and commanded their obedience to his directions, that the little community might have an effective governor. He wrote also to the bishop of Arles, recommending this band of religious adventurers to his friendship and assistance. He addressed letters. to other prelates in France to the same purport. He requested the patronage of the Frankish kings to their undertaking; and also endeavoured to interest Brunechilda, one of their queens, to befriend it. The missionaries were forty in number." 5 4 Bede, lib. i. c. 23. p. 59. 5 Bede, lib. i. c. 23. p. 59. • These letters of Gregory are printed amid his very multifarious correspondence, which are classed in twelve books, and occupy the fourth volume of his works. CHAP. VI. 592. 596. |