the time of the decisive naval engagement and the end of the campaign. Once more, a long campaign is indicated by the statement in 12, 3—“ Haec eo facilius magnam partem aestatis faciebant" and by Dio Cassius, XXXIX, 40, 3-Tāσav ỏλíyov Tηv ὡραίαν μάτην ἀνάλωσεν. So all the data lead us to the conclusion that Caesar left the place about the end of August.

IV. In the following table the local time of high water, morning and evening, for certain days in the year 56 B. C., Julian, for Port Navalo, Quiberon Bay, France, latitude 47° 32′ 58′′ N., longitude 2° 54′ 36" W., was computed for me by Mr. O. H. Tittmann, superintendent of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey and president of the National Geographic Society, and the time of sunrise and sunset for the same days and place has been computed by Commander Harris Laning, head of the Department of Navigation at the U. S. Naval Academy. Especial thanks are due these gentlemen for the assistance so generously given. The writer has added in the righthand column the length, in hours and minutes, of the natural day at each date.

devait être est ou nord-est, car on se trouvait vers la fin de l'été. Il parait que ces vents règnent ordinairement à cette époque, et, lorsqu'ils ont soufflé le matin, il y a calme plat vers le milieu du jour."

This table shows:

1. That the length of time, on any given day, between the ante-meridian and the post-meridian high-water is, at Port Navalo,1 twelve hours and twenty-five minutes.

2. That the length of the dies naturalis, or its equivalent horarum XII spatio, exceeds this period of 12 h. 25 m. every day between April 1 and September 10, also for a few days before the former and after the latter of these dates. For each day between these limits, Caesar's statement is absolutely true.

3. That there were periods of a few days each, about June 1 and 15, July 1, 15 and 31, when it was actually high-water twice the same day between sunrise and sunset. Caesar could not have failed to notice this because of its effect upon his operations. This well may have suggested to him the form of his statement. Some of these periods admirably accord with the approximate dates, previously determined, of the opening of the campaign.

Whatever defects may be found in the method or data used to determine the approximate limits of the campaign against the Veneti cannot vitiate the fact that we have not the slightest reason to believe that the campaign was either begun or concluded outside of that portion of the year in which each day exceeded twelve hours and twenty-five minutes in length.

V. Caesar in his extant works has twenty-four other instances of the form accidit. The context shows that the tense of twenty-three of these is secondary. Caesar's usage, then, strongly favors a past tense here. A positive decision, however, appears in the fact that the statement is false for more than half the time, if one takes it as a present tense expressing a general truth. On no day of all that portion of the year extending from about a week before the autumnal equinox to about as long after the vernal equinox is there in Quiberon Bay highwater twice on the same day between sunrise and sunset or within an equivalent length of time. If, on the other hand, we

1 There would, of course, be little appreciable change in the data of the table for any part of Quiberon or Morbihan Bay.

'Only in B. G. VI. 14 is it primary and general. The Continuators have the form twelve times, of which eight are secondary and four primary.

take accidit as a past tense stating what actually did happen all during that definite period of the campaign as a most serious obstacle to his operations, and if we take hora in the only sense in which it would be understood by the contemporary reader, the statement expresses unqualified truth. No criticism made against it longer holds. Bis is no longer a source of trouble, and spatio can only be the usual ablative of "time within which". Thus all elements of doubt vanish and the clause is an example of that clearness of expression for which Caesar is so justly admired. No emendation is necessary or desirable. We may then in conclusion heartily endorse this statement of Heller (Phil. 15, 356): "Non potuit melius haec res dici quam est dicta ab Caesare, nec peius verba eius potuerunt intelligi quam factum ab interpretibus."

SAMUEL GRANT OLIPHANT.

GROVE CITY COLLEGE.

III-A POINT IN THE INTERPRETATION OF THE ANTIGONE OF SOPHOCLES.

The thought which underlies this paper is the conviction that in the Antigone, so far as the main issue of the play is concerned, Sophocles meant to represent Antigone as wholly sinless and Creon as completely in the wrong. Though Antigone suffered, even unto death, her suffering is no proof of guilt. Ere the deed was done which caused her death, she spoke of herself, rightly, as about to die, if die she must, ooia Tavouрynoaσa (74). Again, when the deed had been done, when, apparently, there was none to take her part, at least openly, nevertheless, unhesitatingly and rightly, as the guards led her away to death, she cried, λεύσσετε . . . οἷα . . . πάσχω, τὴν evoeßíav oeßioaoa (940-943). Kreon's suffering, on the other hand, the poet meant us to regard as the proper outcome of sin.

...

For effective presentations, from certain points of view, of these ideas reference may be made to Jebb's discussion'in the Introduction to his edition of the Antigone (2nd edition, Cambridge, 1891), to Professor M. W. Humphreys' edition of the Antigone, pages xliii-xlviii (New York, 1891), and to the brief, but excellent treatment in James Adam's The Religious Teachers of Greece, 164-166, 168 (2nd edition, Edinburgh, 1909). The purpose of the present paper is to call attention to certain evidence in support of these ideas which, so far as I know, has never been presented in their support. I have in mind a recurrent opηv or poveiv motif in the Antigone, the consideration of which will, I hope, leave no doubt that the analysis given above of the poet's purpose is correct. Anticipating what I hope to show, I may say here that a subtitle to the play might well be Φρόνημα Versus Αφροσύνη, Right Thinking Versus Wrong Thinking, Wisdom Versus Folly, or, True Wisdom is it to Obey God rather than Man.

This motif makes its appearance early. In 43, 45-47, Antigone reveals to Ismene her intention of burying Polynices, spite of Kreon's prohibition (43). This brings from Ismene

an impassioned plea (49-68), which begins thus (49-50): 'Ah me, think, sister mine, think (øpóvŋσov) how our father perished hated and with evil name',1 etc. The injunction 'Think', 'Think' occurs, then, within the first fifty verses; it rings through the play, in terms or by implication, over and over; in the twenty-six words with which the chorus brings. the tragedy to a close (1347-1353) poveiv occurs twice. This injunction Think', 'Think' is from the outset the keynote of the play; the sequel is to show which of the protagonists, Antigone or Kreon, gives to it due heed.

In the light of verses 49-50, reinforced as they are by the rest of Ismene's speech, it is not fanciful to interpret wou yvάμns πoт' El; in 42, as implying 'Think not on (such) desperate deeds'. In 61 Ismene says 'A' èv voεiv Xpη TOŪTO, K. T. A. In 67-68 she concludes her plea with the words rò yàp περισσὰ πράσσειν οὐκ ἔχεινοῦν οὐδένα. From the point of view of Ismene φρήν, φρονεῖν, νοῦς abide not in Antigone; Ismene is thus at one with Kreon in interpretation of Antigone's (purposed) conduct, though the considerations which lead her to this view are somewhat different from those which influence him. Thus, at the outset, from Antigone's own sister, the one surviving member of her immediate family, comes the charge that what she purposes is lacking in wisdom, and we are impressed by the isolation of the heroine.

The burden, then, of Ismene's plea in 49-68 is 'Be not so thoughtless', 'Be not so foolish'. To make this clear, the poet lets Antigone herself thus sum up Ismene's speech (see 95-96, in Antigone's last utterance in this scene): 'But let me and the misguided thinking (dvoßovλíav) that proceeds from me suffer this dread fate', or, more freely, 'Let me be as foolish as I will and suffer the dread consequences'.

Kreon is fond, from the first, of opηv, opovεiv, and words of kindred meaning; to himself he is fount of all wisdom for Thebes and its people. Not specially significant, to be sure, is his use of pópa in his entrance speech, in 168-169, where he praises the elders who constitute the Chorus 'because, though Oedipus was dead, with steadfast minds and thoughts (éprédois opovýμaow) they tarried about the children of Oedipus'. But

'For my renderings I am indebted somewhat to Jebb.

'See below, page 314.