CHAPTER V THE COALITION GOVERNMENT Annus mirabilis of English politics-Three Prime Ministers within one year-Lord Hardinge on the national defences-The letters of "An Englishman "-Death of the Duke of WellingtonFormation of the Coalition Government. THE following carefully considered letter, although undated, seems to have been written early in January 1852. It is the first of many which Delane received from old "Bear" Ellice, who was so nicknamed, we believe by Brougham, not from any acerbity in his nature, for he was the most genial of men, but from his connection in early life with Hudson's Bay and the fur trade. An expert in electioneering, and as one who had spent huge sums upon parliamentary contests, his opinion was always valued, and, in the years which were to come, Delane was in constant communication with him, and a frequent visitor to Glenquoich on his autumn holidays in the Highlands. EDWARD ELLICE TO J. T. DELANE (Confidential.) MY DEAR MR. DELANE, HECKFIELD, As I read my letter to you, I send in great confidence the answer for your perusal. Pray have the goodness to enclose it to Arlington Street, where I 126 1852] EDWARD ELLICE TO DELANE 127 shall be all Saturday if you like to call upon me. Only pray say, in returning Lord Aberdeen's letter, at what hour. Pray don't mention to Lord Aberdeen that you have seen his letter, as I have no permission to send it you, but as we have all the same desire to assist in helping the country out of the scrape in which we are involved, I am sure he would have no objection to my communicating his opinions to you. Everybody agrees in the course to be adopted, and with every objection, and there are most serious ones, to be urged against it—a new Ministry and a dissolution before our present divisions and distractions are aggravated by discussion upon, or a recommendation in the Speech from the Throne of a new Reform Bill. Here are two other letters which the post has brought me-one from Germany, and another from a very sensible person, albeit a woman, on our own affairs. We are governed somewhat unluckily at such a conjuncture by a great little man [Lord John Russell] instead of a little great man [Lord Palmerston]whose qualities are more fitted for leading in Parliament than for guiding the councils and managing the complicated machinery of the administration of a great nation. He thinks, if his part is played to his own satisfaction, his whole task is accomplished, whereas it is scarcely begun. He has only at last quarrelled with his colleague at the Foreign Office from higher pressure, and because it was impossible to reconcile the higher power to the state of isolation and danger, so evident and so much felt by it. He may be reduced by necessity to admit some Brutus near the throne, to concur in the formation of a new Cabinet, with another party on terms of equality in the first instance, but he will avoid the necessity as long as he can. While the precious time passes, he endeavours to enlist stray recruits, who are afraid to take his shilling; and when too late on the eve of the session and when reflecting on the responsibility of engaging the Crown in a policy which he has neither power to guide nor the prospect of bringing to a safe solution-he will be brought to the con viction, that his case is not one to be remedied by half measures! We have been shooting, and I have asked the Speaker to send you some game. He also is of my opinion. I shall be in town to-morrow, Friday, and at home between four and five, if to-morrow suits you better than Saturday. I take it for granted the Cabinet to-day will decide to go on. Sir William Molesworth, another friend of long standing, as was that famous social entertainer his wife, wrote from Paris, taking a somewhat similar view. SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH TO J. T. Delane MY DEAR DElane, I thank you much for your last letter, and return you the enclosed. I did not expect that Lord John would consent to break up the family compact, but thought it likely that he would meet Parliament with his present forces. It is difficult to anticipate what will be the consequences of his doings till the Palmerston explanation is over, and the feelings of members, and especially of the Radicals, be ascertained. My impression is that the opinion will be, even amongst those who were adverse to Palmerston's policy, that in dismissing him he was sharply dealt with, and that if he were wrong in his conduct towards France, he had been more wrong in many other instances, and that the men who backed him so strenuously in 1850 were not entitled to trip him up in 1851 for conduct similar to that which he had always pursued. If Palmerston succeed in proving that there was a court intrigue against him, and give plausible reasons for the belief that Lord John was the instrument of that intrigue, I think you will find that most of the Liberals and a large portion of the 1852] MOLESWORTH ON PALMERSTON 129 country will rally round Palmerston and throw Lord John over. The latter has no personal friends, and many of his followers are disgusted with his exclusiveness. The most likely consequence of the Palmerston explanation will be that both he and Lord John will be damaged, and if the Tories are ready to take power, the Government will immediately fall into their hands, they will go to the country, the country will decide against any return to Protection, and the Tories will make use of that decision to give up the cry of Protection. If the Tories are not prepared to take office immediately, I presume Lord John will have to continue in office till they are ready; which will be whenever they can make terms with Palmerston. I think in the present state of affairs that it is of the utmost importance to us that there should be a strong Government; and I think a strong Tory Government (supposing Protection abandoned) would be a less evil than a weak pseudo-Liberal Government. I despair of a strong Liberal Government at present, for to make such a Government there must be a combination of Whigs, Peelites, and Radicals, but where is the leader to bring about such a combination? Lord John will never agree to it, Graham has not courage for it, Cobden has not had that administrative experience which would enable him at once to be the head of a government. Palmerston alone has courage and ability for anything, but the Peelites won't have anything to do with him. In short, to me the future (as far as the question of the Ministry is concerned) is a mystery and a puzzle, about which I should trouble myself but little were I satisfied with the state of this country, or convinced that my friend (as you call him) the President would pursue a wise and prudent course. I must observe that the President is no friend of mine, and that since his usurpation I have not attended his court. I am obliged to finish this letter in a hurry to save the post. Ever yours, WILLIAM MOLESWORTH. Delane's own opinion at this juncture seems to have been that, though the continued disorder in the Whig camp must once more open the path to Lord Derby, VOL. I 9 Conservatism, as then understood, was better fitted for playing the part of guard than coachman. When a few weeks later Palmerston took his revenge on Lord John Russell,1 and brought about the downfall of the last purely Whig Administration, he predicted but a short life for the new Government. On the day of Palmerston's triumph Delane received a long and interesting letter from Lord Hardinge on the state of the national defences, suggested, as will be seen, by recent articles in The Times. The Naval estimates in 1852 amounted to less than six and a half millions, and those for the Army to but little more, and this at a time when the bugbear of a French invasion haunted the minds of military men! Lord Hardinge, whilst grieving over the fatal policy of disarmament pursued in the past by Pitt, and to a lesser extent by Peel, as well as by the Whigs, was clear-headed enough to see the dangers ahead of such false economy. LORD HARDINGE TO J. T. Delane MY DEAR SIR, 15, GREAT STANHOPE STREET, Friday [? February 20, 1852]. I have been out of town. The article very truly stated the principle on which our defences against invasion ought to be founded, and I observe in the Navy estimates brought to me this morning that there is to be a Reserve of 5,000 able seamen, cost £38,000 a year. What the conditions may be, will I suppose be known before the estimates are discussed. I presume an annual sum paid quarterly as a retaining fee to trained gunner-seamen, liable to serve when wanted, and when not wanted pursuing their seafaring vocation in the Channel. 'The division on a preliminary stage of the Militia Bill on February 20 found the Government in a minority of eleven. |