but we take down their name and their residence; and the overseer whose turn it is for the week, calls the next day, and relieves them at their own habitation. That plan was first adopted when I was overseer; and I think, in five cases out of ten, we found that we had false directions, and that there were no such persons living there. hours in inquiring into those cases. I said once to a gentleman, who had given to a charity I did not believe deserving. "How could a gentleman of your information, give to such a charity? he said, "I had no time to think; if I see a few respectable names, I put my name down." Have you made any observations on the state of Sunday schools in your neighbourhood?-O yes; there has been a great alteration in the moral condition of Spitalfields since their establishment: The character of the poor of Spitalfields is very different from what it was thirty or forty years ago; › you never hear of any attempt to riot there. I know at one time there were indi view to effect something like what they were doing there; and that they have been more than once excited to riot during the last war; and yet that they were always very quiet: great care is taken of their mental and moral improvement. And I believe no instance is to be found where so multitudinous a poor congregate together in so small a space, with so little inconvenience to their neighbours. Mr. S. Roberts, watch-house keeper, Bloomsbury. Do you know the state of the village of Haggerstone, to which the last witness has alluded?—It is a place inhabited chiefly by brickmakers, of the very lowest class of society, and perhaps some of them of the very worst characters; so much so, that no man or woman towards dark will walk across that way towards Hackney,viduals sent up from Nottingham, with a though it might be somewhat nearer; and so bad, that if a thief was pursued and ran to Haggerstone, no constable or runner would go beyond a certain line: it has been called The City of Refuge. To have any moral improvement made on the face of society like that, such as has been spoken to by the last witness, must afford a striking proof of the beneficial consequences resulting from early instruction. If the public were once thoroughly convinced of the depravity of these people who beg, so as to withold their benevoWhat is your opinion of them?-My lence from them; and each of the parishes opinion is, that a great number of the beg were determined not to suffer them to beg, gars who go about, are not in distress, but to take care of them, the remedy, at once, would be commensurate with the evil. of one man in particular, that goes about that they are impostors: I have knowledge What is your opinion of the best means and pretends to be in fits in the street: he to be used to prevent Mendicity-chews scap, and has been taken several take every possible means of informing the public, of what description these individuals are, and their sheer depravity; that they are not fit objects of their benevolence; that in no instance should an individual give any thing to a person that applied to him promiscuously in the streets; and for the churchwardens, overseers, constables, and other efficient officers in their respective parishes, never to suffer a beggar to walk the streets, but if they do, to warn them, if they trespass a second time, take them before a magistrate, who will give the necessary instructions to pass them to their respective parishes, or commit them under the Vagrant Act to a week's impriprisonment and these measures, once adopted, I think the remedy would be commensurate with the evil. The advantages arising from begging are such a temptation to the idle poor, not willing to work, that they would sooner be imprisoned three months in the year, than be deterred from the practice of beg ging the other nine: The great evil lies in persons not inquiring. Many persons would sooner give ten guineas than lose ten times in imposing upon people; he was taken in Lincoln's-Inn-Fields about a forago. and committed for a month: ing results:- 1. The Southern States, with a represented population of 2,902,868, and a free population of only 2,212,106 have a power in Congress of $129; while the Middle States, with a represented population of 2,805,798, and a free population of 2,283,309, have a power of only 2131, or 1000 less, than that of the Southern States. Seven free men in the Southern States, has come wewe in to take up peoplewho have robbed him of a great deal of money, as he stated: And I have been told at the public-house, he would spend fifty shillings a week for his board: he would spit his own goose or his own ducks, and live very well. The whole evidence occupies about one hundred folio pages; an appendix includes one of the pretended Charitable Societies. passed for irrefragable, completely confuted, and this by the natural course of those very circumstances which, as it was once understood and affirmed, formed the excellency of the American Constitution. All the inhabitants of every state were equal: all the states in ge The New States, or a Comparison of the Wealth, Strength, and Population of the Northern and Southern States, and also of their respective Powers in Congress, with a view to expose the injustice of erecting new States at the South.neral assembly were equal. What more By Massachusetts. 8vo. pp. 36. Boston (North America), printed, 1813. THE size or dimensions of a book, produces no effect on Panoramnist reporters. Often, is it their fate to wade through a bulky quarto, and regret the time consumed in the duty: at other times, a mere pamphlet affords information that makes amends for disappointment elsewhere. Time and experience are the great correctors of theory. We have lived to see the principles of individual equality hooted out of fashion, by the very philosophers who introduced them and this "Comparison" demonstrates, that the principle of equality among states, has no better foundation than the former. Among men, talent, occupation, exertion, good-fortune, speedily establish differences which annull individual equality; among states, the incessant mutability of terrestrial affairs elevates some, depresses others, strengthens these, weakens those, confers dignity and power, or withdraws dignity and power, where they had been conferred lic worship. Such is the effect on the poor in general, of a stated attendance on the public service of Religion, that those who are accustomed to visit them, are in most cases able to discern it in the very aspect of the family: Where the Sabbath is observed, you may expect to find, in even the poorest, cleanliness, decency, and civil behaviour: but where it is vioJated, tre reverse of these are often met with. established at Hoxton, a few human power can accomplish, is, to meet the exigencies of the moment with prudence and firmness, to counteract them by steadiness and integrity. If our British politicians had not long been too perfect to be improved, we should recommend to their consideration the contents of this pamphlet; in which they might find much that once could be desired? On what more immoveable rock could a constitution be founded? Let us ask our author. He will tell us, that Massachusetts was formerly a leading member of the States : in the first Congress sixteen senators were from the North; ten were from the South the Representatives were― from the North thirty six; from the South twenty nine. But, by admitting the slaves of the Southern states to the right of representation, and by forming new states in the South, the proportion has shifted: insomuch, that in the fifth Congress the Southern states had a preponderancy over the Northern, of nearly one fourth of the whole power of the General Assembly of the Legislature. And, looking forward, the writer foresees the time when, by virtue of this preponderance, nearly two millions of freemen in the North will be excluded from representation in Congress. Such is the result of thirty or forty years' experience in America, where the Representative System was supposed to flourish in perfection. If the balance be so soon destroyed, who can wonder if in older states still grosser inequanilities exist ?-We do not say that every noparticle of the British Representation is k what it ought to be; but, we say, that according to appearances, that of America after an equal lapse of ages, will be nothing better; possibly, it will every a way be still more deteriorated. th a H Nor let this be thought unworthy the attention of Europe at large: for, since the principle of Representative Government is, under the powerful example of Britain, widely extending itself among Continental States, it becomes all who wish well to their country, to maintain such powers and means of renovation in the Establishments they form, that succeeding ages may not be entirely dependent on regulations already made, become obsolete, inapplicable, useless, and By adding these two fractions together we get the sum of her power in the Senate and House, or her whole power in Congress. And so of every other State. even worse than useless, burdensome. I fore 1-19th of the whole, and her power Excess of liberty may end more ways in the House 20-183rds of the whole. than one in remediless slavery. Representative Government, itself, though the most complete security known, for national freedom, by the incessant operations of a mutability not to be foreseen, may become the very soul and center of bondage: the resort of arbitrary power. The following Table shews the power of each State in the House of Representatives, the whole number being 183; with the population represented. States. Proportion Whole 6 Vermont New England Popul. Repres. 563 700,745 297 214,760 6 297 217,895 297 241,222 373 374,287 The war lately closed with America, has always been distinguished as the war of the Southern States, in opposition to the Northern. ness to various powerful and judicious remonstrances of Massachussets and other states, against the aggressions of the General Government on the British: the matter is explained by the relative weakness of the Northern states' influence at Congress, or in other words, in Representative efficiency. There was more cause to apprehend a direction of the power and policy of the Northern states into new measures, and to the North Carolina support of a new combination of counSouth Carolina sels, than was generally known among Tennesse us. That plan was quickened, sub- Kentucky sequently to the publication of the pre-Georgia sent arguments. It will be understood Mississippi that the immediate cause of these state- Louisiana ments was a proposal made in Congress Southern States for the admission of another Southern State. 1. The Southern States, with a represented population of 2,902,868, and a free population of only 2,212,106 have a power The power of Congress is divided equal-in Congress of 3129; while the Middle ly between the Senate and the House of States, with a represented population of Representatives. The Senate consists of 38 members. The House of Representatives of 183. Each State sends two members to the Senate. The power of each state in the Senate is therefore 2-38ths, or 1-19th of the whole. The power of each state in the House of Representatives is expressed by a fraction, whose numerator is the number of Reprepresentatives, which she sends; and the denominator 183, or the whole number of Representatives. Thus, for example, Massachusetts sends two members to the Senate, and 20 to the House of Representatives. Her power in the Senate is there of 2,305,798, and a free population 2,283,309, have a power of only 2131, or 1000 less, than that of the Southern States. Seven free men in the Southern States. have more power in Congress than ten free men in the Middle States. The free population of the Southern States should be 40, instead of 27, to render the power of one citizen there, just equal to that of one in the Middle States. Eighty men in New-York, have no more power in Congress, than seven men in Mississippi; Or, one man in Mississippi has more power than eleven men in New-York. And ONE slave in Mississippi has nearly as much power in Congress, as FIVE free men | free population in the southern States, has in the State of New-York. If this be correct, and as such we presume, we may accept it,—then have the Northern States great right to complain of the disadvantage to which they are reduced-then has the slavery of the Southern States other purposes to serve than merely that of labour, and cultivation of the ground. The progress of this incommensurate and unequal representation deserves insertion, The ratio as a curious political fact. of increase, already in operation, suggests some notion of what may hereafter be the state of things. In the year 1789, 650 southern men possessed a power in Congress, equal to that of 760 northern men. In 1791, 650 southern men equalled 792 northern men. In 1797, 650 southern men equalled 864 northern men. In 1813,650 southern men equalled 900 northern men. No alterations in the power of the two sections in the House of Representatives, can take place, until the year 1820. The representatives, until that period, will be apportioned according to the census for the year 1810. No alteration in the Senate can take place unti! more New States are admitted into the Union.. The observations on population are: 1. The free population of the northern States increased from 1790 to 1800 . per cent. 31 59 3-10 rapidly decreased within the last ten years. They have lost bine per cent since 1800. Thirdly, That the slaves in the southern States increase much faster than the free men. Since 1800 they have increased nearly six per cent faster. Aud Fourthly, That the ratio of the increase of the slaves has advanced 4 per cent since 1800. In the north, then, the freemen are increasing, and the slaves decreasing. In the south, the freemen are decreasing, the slaves increasing. This rapid increase of slave population, must be attended with a correspondent increase in the evil of slave representation. While the comparatively slow increase of southern freemen must heighten the advantage, which they derive from the number of their States. The farther, therefore, we proceed, the more will these evils accumulate upon us. They have increased every day since the formation of our Government. They will continue to increase, until the wisdom of the country shall put a final stop to the causes, which produce them. This increase, and decrease, our readers will observe, is relative, not absolute: but, it is the progress of the numbers, in comparison with cach other, and with themselves, at different periods. The regularity of the action of these causes leads to a belief that they are founded in nature: if so, The United States ought to separate: it is doing them no wrong to wish their disunion, when natural causes are so powerfully leading, if not forcing, them upon it. To this should be added, the different character of each State, as to the composition of its population, on which de pends much of its strength, aud on the disposition and manners of its people. The calculable strength of a province is, as the density of its population; but many things may vary this, in effect, which cannot be brought into calcula31 1-12 tion. Says our author, 14.1-3 26 2-10 39 $5 8-10 From this statement we learn, First, That the free population of the northern States has increased within, the last ten years, more than nine per cent faster, than that of the southern states, and that even the ratio of increase, in the northern States, has advanced eight per cent since 1800. Secondly, That the ratio of increase of The real strength of a slave-holding State, engaged in defensive war, is diminished in proportion to the number of its slaves. Even in times of peace, we are informed, that guards are appointed in the principal towns of the Southern States, to preserve subordination among the slaves, and check the first tendencies to insurrection. In a time of war, when an enemy is in the territory, using all his influence The remaining proposition intended to induce them to revolt, it will be believed to be treated by this writer, is, that that the proportion of white population," the Southern States have Power in which is to preserve the fidelity of the slaves must not be small. This proporCongress, without possessing correstion is variously estimated. To those who ponding wealth." He proceeds to prove consider the slaves as a degraded, enfeebled this by observing, that, race, instinctively terrified at the appearance of a white man, one white man will be considered amply sufficient to balance four or five slaves. Those who go further and reflect, that the slaves in the Southern States are engaged in those employments, which in other countries embrace the whole physical strength, of the nation, and that they are framed by nature for the climate in which they live, will think they do the whites no injustice in balancing them with their slaves, man for man. ... The northern States have a military power of 700,000 men, concentrated in a territory of 213,000 square miles; while the Southern States have their military power of 361,000 men, diffused over a territory of 465,000 square miles: that is, Every 100 square miles of the northern States, is defended by 328 men, while the same extent of territory, at the South, is defended by only 77 men. To render the Southern States in every respect on a par with the Northern, instead of $61,000, they should contribute 1,525,200 soldiers. From March 4th, 1789, to December 31st, 1810, a period of nearly 22 years, the whole revenue of the United States, from all sources, amounted to 237,111,792 dollars. The items of this amount were as follow: Duties on Commerce, Miscellaneous sources, 194,640,724 6,894,000 21.820,765 13,756,303 Total Revenue, Dollars 237,111,79% 162,009,285 dollars; the items of which Of this sum the Northern States furnished were as follow:- 144,798,057 6,894,000 10,317,228 Total amount, Dollars 53,281,742 furnished more than three quarters, and the The Northern States, therefore, have Southern States less than one quarter, of the National Revenue. Until this number is actually furnished, the redundant strength of the North, must be constantly in requisition to supply the deficiencies of the South. And at the present momeut, if the United States were equally well defended in every part, the Southern States (as they have not half their complement of men) would be obliged toge, and Dividends on the Bank Stock, bederive more than half their defence from the northern States. The principal miscellaneous sources of revenne were laterna! Duties, Duties on Post But the expense attending the extension of the Post Office establishment in the Southern States, has totally annihilated this branch of the revenue. longing to the United States. On an average, about two thirds of Internal Duties were These considerations assist in explain- Duties on Postage once netted an annual collected from the Northern States. The ing the motives of the British Com-income of fron 60 to 70 thousand dollars. manders for making their principal inroads during the late war, among the Southern States, and employing in the north, such forces only, as should induce the Northern States to keep their strength at home. It seems to militate very strongly against Mr. Madison's policy in attempting the conquest of Canada, and draining the Middle States of those troops which should have been employed in defending their Southern brethren. By such want of caution he exposed his coast towns to distress, and suffered the disgrace of seeing his capital enveloped in flames. Surely the writer happened to transcribe by accident, a passage from some Statement of the Financial Revenue of the late French Government, when he penned this last affirmation. Is it possible that America should have advanced so far in the road to ruin, in obedience to her Gallic Dictator? The author adds, 31st, 1810, the Northern States paid nearly From March 4th, 1789, to December 40 millions more, and the Southern States |