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Political and Administrative Corres- | France stable-the clergy must be re-estabpondence, &c. By Fievée.

lished on the ancient footing-they must be rich, because they hold the consciences of the nation in their hands, and, if not pro

Preliminary Opinion on the Finances, &c. By the Duke of Gaëte. Exposé of a System of Finance to extin-perly respected, may alienate the affections guish the National Debt, &c. By Delorme. General Considerations on the Financial Situation of France, in 1816, &c. Byment that Providence shall favour those who Ganih.

The French nation presents the same attitude at present that Corsica presented under the late General Paoli: he wanted troops: the Corsicans knew his necessities, and only enrolled themselves conditionally. I, said one, am willing to serve, but I have already been a soldier, and know every thing relative to the organization of an army, and I won't enlist, unless you make me a Captain." Well, said the General, your arguments are good, you shall be a Captain. Another could read and write, and demanded to be a Lieutenant: another presented claims which in his opinion merited an Ensigney. The General, instead of attacking the folly, yielded to it: he formed an army wholly composed of officers, and it is well known what brilliant exploits they performed as private soldiers. Whether France may expect such a benefit from her sons, who all aspire to be Financiers, is more thau problematical. Innumerable are the pamphlets published, suggesting the crude undigested ideas of persons who in the present deplorable state of France, each fancies himelf an Atlas, and capable of supporting the whole burthen on his shoulders. We 'have selected a few for consideration.

The first, M. Fievée, talks incessantly on England, and doubtless with justice, for he has been at London. He was then a miserable novel writer, and at an election of a member for Westminster, M. Fievée found himself nearly crushed to death in the crowd, losing his hat and one of his shoes; and, though he could hear nothing for the clamour, and did not understand a word of English, if he could have heard, yet he went home and wrote an excellent article on the benefits of a free Constitution, and the order observed in the election of Members of Parliament. The return of the House of Bourbon to the throne of France awoke in M. Fievée higher hopes. He boldly steps forward as a Politician and Financier, and boasts to the Count de Blacas of his powers in this line, not, we suppose, that M. Fievée wishes to attribute to himself any share in that part of the Count's politics which lost his master his crown. M. Fievée continues to publish from time to time his crudities:-to render

of the people from the government, therefore their assistance must be purchased, at any price, meaning his additional agree

favour the clergy. Another plan to save and render France prosperous, is to restore the property of the Emigrants, and when the sales have passed through various hands, at different times, for the last 25 years, the emigrant shall, according to circumstances, be either replaced in the possession of his patrimony, gratuitously, or purchase it at the price paid for it at a period when a man could scarely swear that his head was on his shoulders. As a proof of the excellence of ancient institutions, from which he derives the prosperity of England, and the facility of borrowing fort y millions in a day, he quotes the Lord Mayor's coach, which, he says, the citizens of London and their children have been accustomed to witness as the very same carriage, for a series of years!! Surely, the Court of Aldermen never imagined that their clumsy state carriage would ever be adduced as proving by its antiquity the prosperity of the City of London. How much they are indebted to M. Fievée! can they do less than make him “a Citizen and Pin-maker"?

The Duke of Gaëta, rejecting the idle theories of M. Fievée, brings a long experience in matters of Finance into action. The eclat of a legitimate government, it was supposed would aloue do every thing, create every thing, even credit. The Duke does not think so. He asserts that credit can only be the result of confidence, previously established on solid bases, therefore it was imprudent in the new government to commence in the hope of forming credit, by an operation which, to succeed, demanded unlimited credit as its base. The new situation of France promises, in time, a happy success: I say in time, for moderation is as necessary as precipitation is dangerous. Confidence, we know, is a most independant sentiment; it takes advice only of time, which distinguishes appearauces from realities. In this case, men are nothing, and tried institutions every thing, because they alone afford a satisfactory guarantee, when this sentiment manifests its existence by symptoms which public opinion never mistakes;-then, and only then, a minister of ordinary talents may try to introduce, with proper circumspection, into his administration, that powerful lever,

which, by a concurrence of favourable circumstances, has become in the hands of England, a lever capable of raising the world. To lessen the pressure on the present generation, which the Duke thinks ought not to bear all the burthen, is become an indispensible duty-and among other means, he proposes the establishment of a Sinking Fund, formed from the falling in of Life Annuities, and the annual sale of part of the national forests. The Duke's abilities, and his zeal for the prosperity of France, induced him to offer his assistance to the late Minister, Baron Louis, who accepted them with seeming gratitude; but no sooner were the Duke's opinions publicly known, than they were attacked by Baron Louis's partner, M. Bricogne, with equal virulence and ignorance, which the Duke very properly exposes, and shews that M. Bricogue is like the Corsican, who would be an officer when his proper station was that of a private.

M. Delorme too offers to serve the state: his principal claim to be heard rests on his having followed the King to Ghent. His theory is credit without a base; he asserts that under a King scrupulous to fulfil his engagements, under the Empire of a Constitution, which unites the subjects to their sovereign by their representatives, his persuasion that it is possible to employ the whole of the public confidence for the benefit of the monarchy; and therefore, he proposes the creation of a paper money, the creditors of the state, the ministers, and all officers under the crown, to take half in paper, redeemable in ten years, and bearing an interest of 4 per cent. The author is aware, that it is impossible to force paper money, and maintain its credit: no, it is to be received yoluntarily, and he hopes from the patriotism of one part, and the gratitude of others for their places, that they will voluutarily receive it; as the state must be saved, and taxation is at its height. It is unnecessary to consider what respect is due to such a visionary.

M. Ganilh consoles himself and his readers that the situation of France is not without example-that all the States of Europe, with the exception of England, have been in the same situation. As for England, he observes" she has found on the Continent, for the expenses of the war, a tribute which the most implacable conqueror would not have dared to impose upon her, and does not appear to have suffered in her prosperity. Thanks to her Commerce, she is placed in a different sphere; her industry lays the riches of the entire world under contribution, and her fortune will have no bounds

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until an act of navigation shall prescribe to her thousands of vessels the same conditions which she has so long imposed on the navigation of other maritime powers." To raise France from her ashes, the author thinks that scarcely any thing is necessary beyond the re-conquest and enslaving of St. Domingo; and he says, Europe and the whole commercial world, cannot fail to applaud the efforts of France to recover her colonies; particularly St. Domingo, so long the source of her prosperity and her riches, and the foundation of her power. Need I add, that if this colony escapes the French people, it will be perhaps impossible to keep the engagements which they have contracted with all Europe; and who can foresee the events which would result from the concurrence of all the Powers of Europe to constrain France to the execution of her engagements, and the resistance of 25 millions of men reduced to despair."

Thus, according to M. Ganill, all Europe must concur to renew the Slave Trade, under its most aggravating forms, if they wish to be paid (by a Power who boldly withstood them all, and for years held the balance of victory against them,) a paltry sum, in seven years, which our Chancellor of the Exchequer feels very little difficulty of raising in a single day, viz. 29,166,666?. If this statement be true, the bitterest enemies of France cannot wish to see her in a more abject and humiliated situation.

As, however, St. Domingo is by uo means the goid mine, France is certain of working, M. Ganilh proposes a graduated tax on income, viz. those who have 4,000l. a year to pay one third-from 4 to 2,000). per annum, one fourth-from 2 to 1,0001. one fifth-from 1,000l. to 4001. one sixthfrom 400 to 2001. one seventh-from 2001. to 501, one eighth.

Such are the visionary schemes of men who fancy themselves financiers - at a period when the government actually is obliged to have recourse to the aid of foreign troops to maintain the King on his throne! yet these wise men of Gotham think these measures practicable! mea

sures

which would endanger the safety of the government even in the happiest of times. We have devoted more space to this article than the works merit; simply with a view of shewing what, by comu on consent, is the present abasement of France, and the envy and admiration of England, which has survived the shock of conflicting storms, and is become the model for surrounding nations.

Expedition to Egypt. Since the downfall of Buonaparte's tyranny, various works have been put for

Political and Administrative Correspondence, &c. By Fievée.

France stable-the clergy must be re-established on the ancient footing-they must be rich, because they hold the consciences of the nation in their hands, and, if not pro

Preliminary Opinion on the Finances, &c. By the Duke of Gaëte. Exposé of a System of Finance to extin-perly respected, may alienate the affections guish the National Debt, &c. By Delorme. General Considerations on the Financial Situation of France, in 1816, &c. Ganili.

of the people from the government, therefore their assistance must be purchased, at any price, meaning his additional agree Byment that Providence shall favour those who favour the clergy. Another plan to save and render France prosperous, is to restore the property of the Emigrants, and when the sales have passed through various hands, at different times, for the last 25 years, the emigrant shall, according to circumstances, be either replaced in the por session of his patrimony, gratuitously, or purchase it at the price paid for it at a period when a man could scarely swear that his head was on his shoulders. As a proof of the excellence of ancient institutions, from which he derives the prosperity of England, and the facility of borrowing forty millions in a day, he quotes the Lord Mayor's coach, which, he says, the citizens of London and their children have been accustomed to witness as the very same carriage, for a series of years!! Surely, the Court of Aldermen never imagined that their clumsy state carriage would ever be adduced as proving by its antiquity the prosperity of the City of London. How much they are indebted to M. Fievée! can they do less than make him "a Citizen and Pin-maker"?

The French nation presents the same attitude at present that Corsica presented under the late General Paoli: he wanted troops: the Corsicans knew his necessities, and only eurolled themselves conditionally. I, said one, am willing to serve, but I have already been a soldier, and know every thing relative to the organization of an army, and I won't enlist, unless you make me a Captain." Well, said the General, your arguments are good, you shall be a Captain."Another could read and write, and demanded to be a Lieutenant: another presented claims which in his opinion merited an Ensigncy. The General, instead of attacking the folly, yielded to it: he formed an army wholly composed of officers, and it is well known what brilliant exploits they performed as private soldiers. Whether France may expect such a benefit from her sons, who all aspire to be Financiers, is more thau problematical. Innumerable are the pamphlets published, suggesting the crude undigested ideas of persons who in the present deplorable state of France, each fancies himself an Atlas, and capable of supporting the whole burthen on his shoulders. We 'have selected a few for consideration.

The first, M. Fievée, talks incessantly on England, and doubtless with justice, for he has been at London. He was then a miserable novel writer, and at an election of a member for Westminster, M. Fievée found himself nearly crushed to death in the crowd, losing his hat and one of his shoes; and, though he could hear nothing for the clamour, and did not understand a word of English, if he could have heard, yet he went home and wrote an excellent article on the benefits of a free Constitution, and the order observed in the election of Members of Parliament. The return of the House of Bourbon to the throne of France awoke in M. Fievée higher hopes. He boldly steps forward as a Politician and Financier, and boasts to the Count de Blacas of his powers in this line, not, we suppose, that M. Fievée wishes to attribute to himself any share in that part of the Count's politics which lost his master his crown. M. Fievée continues to publish from time to time his crudities :-to render

The Duke of Gaëta, rejecting the idle theories of M. Fievée, brings a long expe rience in matters of Finance into action. The eclat of a legitimate government, it was supposed would aloue do every thing, create every thing, even credit. The Duke does not think so. He asserts that credit can only be the result of confidence, previously established on solid bases, therefore it was imprudent in the new government to commence in the hope of forming credit, by an operation which, to succeed, demanded unlimited credit as its base. The new situation of France promises, in time, 1 happy success: I say in time, for modera tion is as necessary as precipitation is d gerous. Confidence, we know, is a mot independant sentiment; it takes advice only of time, which distinguishes appear auces from realities. In this case, menere nothing, and tried institutions every thing, because they alone afford a satisfactory guarantee, when this sentiment manifests its existence by symptoms which public opinion never mistakes;-then, and only then, a minister of ordinary talents may try to introduce, with proper circumspection, inlo his administration, that powerful lever,

which, by a concurrence of favourable | until an act of navigation shall prescribe circumstances, has become in the hands of to her thousands of vessels the same condiEngland, a lever capable of raising the tions which she has so long imposed on the world. To lessen the pressure on the pre- navigation of other maritime powers." To sent generation, which the Duke thinks raise France from her ashes, the author ought not to bear all the burthen, is be-thinks that scarcely any thing is necessary come an indispensible duty-and among other means, he proposes the establishment of a Sinking Fund, formed from the falling in of Life Annuities, and the annual sale of part of the national forests. The Duke's abilities, and his zeal for the prosperity of France, induced him to offer his assistance to the late Minister, Baron Louis, who accepted them with seeming gratitude; but no sooner were the Duke's opinions publicly known, than they were attacked by Baron Louis's partner, M. Bricogue, with equal virulence and ignorance, which the Duke very properly exposes, and shews that M. Bricogue is like the Corsican, who would be an officer when his proper station was that of a private.

beyond the re-conquest and enslaving of St. Domingo; and he says, "Europe and the whole commercial world, caunot fail to applaud the efforts of France to recover her colonies; particularly St. Domingo, so long the source of her prosperity and her riches, and the foundation of her power. Need I add, that if this colony escapes the French people, it will be perhaps impossible to keep the engagements which they have contracted with all Europe; and who can foresee the events which would result from the concurrence of all the Powers of Europe to constrain France to the execution of her engagements, and the resistance of 25 millions of men reduced to despair."

Thus, according to M. Ganilh, all Europe must concur to renew the Slave Trade, under its most aggravating forms, if they wish to be paid (by a Power who boldly withstood them all, and for years held the balance of victory against them,) a paltry sum, in seven years, which our Chancellor of the Exchequer feels very little difficulty of raising in a single day, viz. 29,166,6664. If this statement be true, the bitterest enemies of France cannot wish to see her

M. Delorme too offers to serve the state: his principal claim to be heard rests on his having followed the King to Ghent. His theory is credit without a base; he asserts that under a King scrupulous to fulfil his engagements, under the Empire of a Constitution, which unites the subjects to their sovereign by their representatives, his persuasion that it is possible to employ the whole of the public confidence for the benefit of the monarchy; and there-in a more abject and humiliated situation. fore, he proposes the creation of a paper money, the creditors of the state, the ministers, and all officers under the crown, to take half in paper, redeemable in ten years, and bearing an interest of 4 per cent. The author is aware, that it is impossible to force paper mouey, and maintain its credit: no, it is to be received yoluntarily, and he hopes from the patriotism of one part, and the gratitude of others for their places, that they will voluntarily receive it; as the state must be saved, and taxation is at its height. It is unnecessary to consider what respect is due to such a visionary.

As, however, St. Domingo is by uo means the goid mine, Frauce is certain of working, M. Ganilh proposes a graduated tax on income, viz. those who have 4,000l. a year to pay one third-from 4 to 2,000). per annum, one fourth-from 2 to 1,0001. one fifth-from 1,000l. to 4001. one sixthfrom 400 to 2001. one seventh-from 200!. to 501. one eighth.

Such are the visionary schemes of men who fancy themselves financiers at a period when the government actually is obliged to have recourse to the aid of foreign troops to maintain the King on his throne! yet these wise men of Gotham think these measures practicable! mea

which would endanger the safety of the government even in the happiest of times. We have devoted more space to this article than the works merit; simply with a view of shewing what, by comu on consent, is the present abasement of France, and the envy and admiration of England, which has survived the shock of conflicting storms, and is become the model for surrounding nations.

M. Ganilh consoles himself and his readers that the situation of France is not with-sures out example-that all the States of Europe, with the exception of England, have been in the same situation. As for England, he observes "she has found on the Continent, for the expenses of the war, a tribute which the most implacable conqueror would not have dared to impose upon her, and does not appear to have suffered in her prosperity. Thanks to her Commerce, she is placed in a different sphere; her industry lays the riches of the entire world under contribution, and her fortune will have no bounds

Expedition to Egypt. Since the downfall of Buonaparte's tyranny, various works have been put for

t

ward for publication, in which many points of his history, and his exploits, are related in a manner sufficiently different from that in which they had been given to the world under his direction. Among these has lately been published a History of the French Expedition into Egypt, by P. Martin, an engineer, and also a Member of the Commission of Arts and Sciences, in attendance on that expedition. He continued in Egypt during the whole time, and was in a situation to acquire a correct knowJedge of facts.

of its members, as individuals—Analysis of works published on the subject of EducationDescription of Establishments founded for the purpose of Education, as well in France as in other countries; and information on the methods adopted to attain the proposed end most effectually, in such establishments.

The present Number coutains a brief history of the origin and progress of this Society-A report read at the Society of Encouragement, on August 11, 1815, by Count Alexander Laborde, the principal subject of which was, the Schools established in England on the principles of Dr. Bell, and Mr. Lancaster.-A report on rules, regulations, &c.-I ist of Members, &c, with further remarks on the Na tional Schools of England, extracted from the journal of a traveller in England, who had visited them.

BIBLICALS.

He affirms that the real facts of that expedition are but little known; for hitherto no person has given a complete history of them. It was, in truth, says he, impossible to write with impartiality under the chief who had commanded it. This chief acquired after his return, a power and a fame which silenced every man who was not deeply versed in the arts of flattery: but posterity, which has already begun, so far as relates The Prospectus is issued of a second impres to himself (stace according to his own expressions, his political life is terminated sion of the stereotype New Testament may, and ought to bring all his actions for distribution in France; the first edition before the tribunal of truth. The writer, of which, with its success, we have alhowever, disclaims all intention of rendering ready announced in former numbers of our him more odious, and relies on truth alone work. The price at which copies of this for destroying that illusion, by which, edition is fixed is 1 frane 50 cents. which during fifteen years, Buonaparte beguiled scarcely covers the expences of printing; the people of France. The simple narraVoluntary contributions continue to be retion of facts, deprived of their deceptive ceived; and it is hoped that the rising ge neration will possess in the Scriptures a Sasplendor, will be quite sufficient to enlighten those who have encouraged a wil. lutary Monitor against those crimes and ful blindness, in favour of a man unfortu-vices by which the memory of their fore nately too much celebrated. The friends fathers is so indelibly stained. of a rational liberty will be convinced, says M. Martin, by perusing this work, that Napoleon could not but endanger and ruin what his arms had achieved, as a conquest in favour of civilization.

GERMANY.

Editions of the Bible.

From the year 1455 to 1487, there were printed twenty-two different editions of the Bible in Latin; and from 1462 to 1490 thirteen editions in the German language. Soon after these dates, the sacred volume was freely and abundantly dispersed among most nations of Europe.

National Schools: Patronage: Society. We are glad to see efforts making in France to promote that most important object the spread of Education among the Baron Charles Hildebrand of Canstein, French people. It is at the same time caused to be cast in 1712, such a number moral and political; and perhaps may prove of types, that all the pages of the Bible as strong a bond for the maintenance of might be kept set up, in composition, at the public Peace in Europe, as others, the same time, for a permanency. His though devised by Sovereigns and States- Biblical Establishment, formed in the Or men. We therefore, report, with plea-phan-house, at Halle, in Saxony, produced sure, the appearance of the first Number of a work intitled Journal d'Education, by the Society formed in Paris for the improvement of elementary instruction. It appeared in July, 1815. The contents of this work will be formed of Reports of the sittings of the Society-papers read at such sittings-Correspondence-(from which we gather that the efforts of the Society will extend throughout France)-Proceedings

in the space of ten years, one hundred and twenty-five thousand copies of tl: Bible; and one hundred and thirty thousand copies of the New Testament. According to an exact calculation made at Halle, published in 1812, there had been veaded in the space of one hundred years, one million nine hundred and forty three thousand and sixty-two complete copies of the Bible; also a proportionate number of copies of the

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