which fhow the right of a belligerent to retaliate the violence and injuftice of an enemy. In anfwer, however, to an allegation, that the Orders in Council were unprecedented, he produces an inftance far ftronger, and where the right of retaliation was (to fay the leaft of it) doubtful; namely, when the United Provinces, during their revolutionary war with Spain, finding themfelves prohibited from trading with the Spanish ports under neutral flags, iffued an edict against the fubjects of all neutral powers who fhould carry commodities to the ports of Spain, Portugal, and Flanders. This prohibition, though not perhaps juftifiable according to our ideas of the law of nations, was yet acquiefced in by the principal powers of Europe. Without, however, relying on this precedent, he urges that the original wrong, by Bonaparte, was unprecedented, and therefore that it is needlefs to require examples to warrant our retaliation, which was called for by unjuftifiable aggreffion, and is ftriftly confonant to justice. One fhort citation more will place the neceflity of fuch a retaliation in the most firiking point of

view.

"The honourable Gentleman has faid, that the greatnefs of this country is factitious; and though I do not like the word, I agree with him in the meaning.-The power and greatness of this country certainly far exceed the natural effect of our share of population and territory. They depend much on artificial and external caufes; and efpecially on our commerce and our navy. In this view, not our greatnefs alone, but our fafety alfo, is factitious. Our chief fecurity against invafion and fubjugation is our decifive fuperiority at fea.But this cannot long furvive the lofs of our maritime commerce. We cannot therefore, without danger to our exiftence as a nation, fubmit to a fyftem by which that commerce would be foon, and totally annihilated.-Much and fincerely as I defire conciliation with America, I cannot consent to purchafe it at that price.

"Independently, Sir, of all precedent, and all authority, can it be feriously thought that we are bound in point of principle, to fubmit to be ruined as a commercial people, and by a hoftile fyftem expressly directed to that end, while we have the means of refiftance in our power?-While our flag is triumphant, and unrefifted on every fca, this audacious enemy proclaims war againft our commerce; and claims a right to exclude it from every part of the Continent. He even declares that there fhall be no neutrals in Europe. He infills that nations in amity with us fhall banish us from their ports; and if they refufe or hefitate, he invades their countries and fubverts their thrones, to enforce compliance. But his ufe of the American flag is neceffary to give effect to this atrocious fyitem; he can no otherwife carry on trade between the

different

different countries under his dominion and influence, and reap the full fruits of his ufurpations. Indeed he can no otherwife effec tually prevent a contraband trade with England; for the neceffities of the Continent would be too ftrong for all the precautions he could ufe. It is in this enormous, this unexampled cafe, that we are told it is our duty to submit; and that the rights of neutrality entitle America thus to give effect to a plan, avowedly concerted for our deftruction, and that of neutrality itfelf. Sir, the propofition is too extravagant and infulting to deferve a ferious refutation." P. 55•

The learned Member then confiders the point of nonacquiefcence in the Berlin Decree by America; contending that, if this complaint against our Orders in Council had been founded in fact, it could not be fupported by reafon; fince it implies that our enemy might be allowed, during feveral months, a full fcope for his injuftice, while we were waiting the determination of a diflant neutral power, or fill longer, while that power was negociating with the enemy to obtain a repeal of the obnoxious Decree. This erroneous opinion (he remarks) feems to have arifen from a falfe idea that the Orders in Council were of a vindicatory, and not, as was really the cafe, of a remedial and defenfive nature. It is further fhown, that America, after fo long a period as had elapfed, had not, in point of fact, obtained any repeal of this unjuft interdiction on her commerce with Great Britain. The evalive explanation by Decres, (the French Minifter of Marine) is here very properly expofed.

It is alfo clearly thown, that no measure of a vindicatory or of a defenfive nature againft the multiplied aggrellions of France was adopted by America till the Embargo took place; and that this was a measure equally directed against (and in its effects more injurious to) Great Britain, who was the injured party, than France, by whom the wrong had been perpetrated. The pretext that this meafure was occafioned by an expectation of our Orders in Council (or could be juftified by fuch an expectation) is alfo very clearly refuted. But the learned and eloquent speaker infifts that the Orders in Council, had they been known in America, ought not to have excited any refentment, except againit the party whofe violence had driven us to that refort.

Laftly, the important confiderations which arofe from the overtures of the American Government are fully difcuffed; and the learned Member enquires whether that offer amounts to a propofal to renounce effectually all trade to France and the confederates of France, if, after our revocation of the Orders in

1

Council,

Council, the Berlin Decree fhould continue in full force? On the contrary, he shows, we think, clearly, that the offer (in the terms in which it was made) was virtually a propofal that we fhould give up real and effectual, and accept, in their ftead, nominal and useless reftrictions on the commerce of France and her allies.

A general Embargo, he admits, is to a great degree an efficient measure, because it can be executed by the municipal authorities at home; but when an Embargo as to any particular country is fpoken of, it is evident that, although the term is retained. the practical nature of the measure is changed. It becomes a law, not against failing from the ports of America, but againft proceeding to certain ports of Europe. If the veffels are fuffered to fail, fome other meafure must be found to prevent an illegal voyage. Even admitting that a law was meant to be paffed to prevent trading with France till Bonaparte's Decrees fhould be repealed, he afks, what fecurity fhould we have had that the prohibition would be effectual? How eafily it could be evaded by American merchants he clearly points out, and how fre quently fuch evafions would be practifed, experience (he juftly remarks) has evinced. He adds, that we should not be legally juftified in capturing American veffels so trading in contravention to the municipal laws of their own country Other objections equally ftrong are ftated to Mr. Pinkney's propofal, and more efpecially the manifeft partiality in requiring from Great Britain an abfolute repeal of her different Orders in Council, and only intimating an expectation from France of either a repeal of fo much of her Decrees as violated the rights of America, or certain explanations or af furances, (in lieu of fuch repeal,) of the adequacy of which the American Government alone was to judge, and which therefore might be, like the former, wholly illufory and ineffectual. Here alfo the groís partiality to our enemy, mani. fested in the conferences of General Armstrong (the American Minifter to France) with Bonaparte's Minifter, and in the difpatches of Mr. Madifon, the American Secretary of State, is fully expofed, and juftly reprobated. In commenting on the pretext that the feizure and confifcation of fhips which have touched at any British port, is a mere matter of municipal regulation, we think the learned Member's argumenis peculiarly forcible, as well as ftrictly juft. He inters, from the adoption of this pretext by the American Government, that the change of fyftem proposed to be demanded of France, in return for that complete fubmiflion on our part, the repeal

of

of all our Orders in Council, can be nothing but this," an abftinence from feizing American veffels at fea;" a measure which would feldom be in Bonaparte's power,

The partiality of the American Government is ftill fur. ther evinced by its adopting, in its own measures, principles diametrically oppofite to each other, as they affect the dif ferent contending parties, and by the circumftance that fuch inconfiftency redounds uniformly to the benefit of the fame favoured belligerent. Of this he gives a ftriking inftance, for which (as our limits will not admit of further details) we muft refer to the Speech itself,

The learned Member, however, expreffes a hope, that an amicable and honourable adjustment may ftill take place, To that happy end, he repeats, "we ought to facrifice much;" but he deems it impoffible to clofe with the terms of the offer in queftion; fince they were, in his judgment, fuch as

"Would, in their confequences, foon have annihilated our foreign commerce, ruined our manufacturers and merchants, cut off the fources of our naval power, and brought perhaps a foreign fword into the bowels of the country,”

Such are the outlines of this able and luminous Speech; a Speech well worthy of the perufal of all who wifh clearly to comprehend the grounds of our late orders in Council, and the many important confiderations, political and com mercial, connected with them; a Speech which confera additional luftre even on the abilities and patriotifm of the author of "War in Difguife," and appears to us equally perfpicuous in its expofitions, forcible (and, for the most part, unanfwerable) in its arguments, and public fpirited in its object and motives.

A fupplement is added in explanation of the alteration which, after the period of this Speech, took place in the mode of effecting the object of Government, in order to fhow that the repeal of the former Orders in Council, and the fubftitution of a blockade of the hoftile ports, was only an application of the fame principle to a change of cir cumstances.

ART.

ART. VIII. The Works of John Dryden, &c. By Walter Scott, Efq. &c.

(Continued from page 109.)

SIR Martin Mar-all, is a tranflation by William, Duke of Newcallle, the great equeftrian, from l'Etourdi of Moliere, with aids drawn from 'Amant indifereet of Quinault. This comedy was merely fitted for the ftage by Dryden, and did not appear with his name, until nineteen years after the publication of the fift edition: it can therefore hardly be confidered as a work of this author..

The Mock Aftrologer, a lively comedy, is like the former, borrowed from the French, but not, like it, from an English tranflator.

Having thus for a while, difported and relaxed himself in alteration and tranflation, Dryden took one of the most extraordinary flights into the higher regions of dramatic poetry, that ever was attempted by man; producing in fucceffion, "Tyrannic Love," and the two parts of the "Conqueft of Granada." If there be a critic fufliciently cold to read thefe wonderful effufions without feelings of the warmeft pleasure at fome of the glorious difplays of vivid fancy and inexhauflible poetry which they afford, his judgment can hardly be envied, when accompanied with fo little fenfibility. But, on the other hand, it is impoffible not to regret the perverfe tafte of an age which could prefer thefe brilliant errors to the legitimate drama, and contentedly fee that genius wafted on the production of them, which thus proved itfelf, if properly fupported and directed, capable of rivalling the Italian, at leaft, if not the Roman or the Grecian epic poets.

The period when thefe plays were exhibited forms an epoch in the life of Dryden, which Mr. Scott notices in thefe terms.

"It was in this period of profperity, of general reputation, of confidence in his genius, and perhaps of prefumption, (if that word can be applied to Dryden,) that he produced thofe two very fingular plays, the First and Second Parts of the "Conqucit of Granada." In thefe models of the pure heroic drama, the ruling fentiments of love and honour are carried to the moft paffionate extravagance. And, to maintain the legitimacy of his style of compofition, our author, ever ready to vindicate with his pen to be right, that which his timid critics murmured at as wrong, threw