cealing their names. What was the evil of this? There would always be a publisher easily brought forward to answer all the purposes of security for what was printed. He then proceeded to show that this bill tended to do away the spirit of Mr. Fox's bill; and, lastly, objected to it, because it reversed the order of judicial proceedings, by casting the onus on the person accused, not the accusing party. The solicitor-general replied, that the honourable gentleman did not understand, the bill: insinuations were thrown out that government was destroying the constitution of the country-a most unjust and false accusation. In the Courier was one of the most atrocious libels respecting French prisoners. The prevention of such libels anonymously put in, and disseminated far and wide, was alone the object of the bill. Mr. Sheridan wished to know whether the editor of a newspaper, if he could prove the paragraph had been taken from a French paper, should be liable in the penalties enacted in the bill. The solicitor-general answered, that if the paragraph tended to inspire contempt of his majesty's person or government, the editor of a newspaper publishing such a libel should be liable to these penalties, whether copied from a French newspaper or not. Mr. Wilberforce expressed the strongest disapprobation of the manner in which the bill was opposed. He felt particularly shocked, he said, at the language used by sir Fancis Burdett; and still more so, because, from the liberal principles of that baronet, he was likely to express the sentiment of a large community. The tendency of such expressions and intemperate zeal was mischievous. Mr. Robert Thornton said, that no precaution ought to be omitted to curb the licentiousness of the press. We had witnessed the horrors of the revolution in France; we had to deplore the rebellion in Ireland; the principal source of each was the scandalous abuse of the liberty of the press. The ques tion being put for the postponing of the bill, the house divided: Ayes Nocs Majority 9 44 35 The bill afterwards passed both houses, and received his majesty's assen Debates in the British Parliament concerning the Affairs of Ireland. The Earl of Moira's Motion in the House of Lords-negatived. Interesting Explanation between the Earl of Moira and the Marquis of Downshire. The Duke of Leinster's Motion respecting Ireland. Lord G. Cavendish's Motion in the House of Commons on the same Subject-negatived. Mr. Fox's Motion on the same Subject—rejected. Message from his Majesty. Proposal from certain Militia Regiments to serve in Ireland. Debates on this Proposal in the House of Lords-In the House of Commons. THE HE discontents in Ireland to hasten to a crisis; and the disbegan about the commence- turbances, of which the reader ment of this session of parliament will find a detail in our next chapter, were were on the point of breaking out. To avert these calamities, some well-intentioned members endea voured to interest the British houses of parliament in favour of the Irish people, and to recommend measures of lenity and conciliation. -How far these endeavours were well timed or judicious, will be discussed in the succeeding chapter. For the present, we shall content ourselves with presenting a simple sketch of the debates. On the 22d of November, the earl of Moira renewed the motion which he had made in the preceding session respecting the affairs of Ireland. The state of the empire in general, he observed, was materially altered since that period; many interesting political events had taken place; the most prominent amongst these was certainly the rupture of the late negotiation for peace. This, as was declared by the highest authority to that house and to the country, was broken off on no trivial grounds; it was in consequence of no less a cause than a settled determination on the part of the enemy to subvert the constitution and government of this kingdom. If the statement was just, he entreated their lordships to look at the fatal consequences which such a prospect presented. He should argue upon the supposition, that this representation was just, though his own opinion was very different. If the contest became a struggle for existence on the part of both governments, what was the end to which it would lead? what was to be the situation of the country under this protracted expenditure, when its finances already were depressed and embarrassed? If this event of the negotiation had been foreseen (as had confidently been asserted), ought not provision to have been made to support the burdens which it rendered necessary? ought not some means to have been employed to enable us to have put an end to the cause from which the necessity of the contest proceeded? If we were merely to stand upon the defensive, and if the war was to be protracted a year longer upon this footing, the, resources of this country could not sustain the embarrassments which would arise in addition to the difficulties we endured already. To judge of our situation, it would be necessary to take a view of the recent events of the war. No person rejoiced more than he did in the victory obtained over the Dutch fleet; yet what was the effect of this brilliant exploit upon the state of the nation? It was acknowledged that some de sign had been in agitation, some danger had been threatened; and the impending mischief had for the moment been turned aside; but was the experiment to be repeated! were we contented merely to parry the blow which aimed at our existence? In such a system he saw nothing but ruin to our resources, nothing but complete destruction to the oppressed and tottering fabric of our finances. They had indeed been extolled as adequate to any exertions we might be called upon to make; but he professed himself at a loss to discover upon what foundation this sanguine representation had been built. He did not deny that we had great means of defence; but he must complain of their improper appli cation, and of the mischievous consequences that resulted. There were rumours of new schemes of finance, and extraordinary ways of supporting the efforts which it would be necessary to exert; and .. this did not furnish a very encouraging argument in favour of our situation. If, however, the enemy was bent on the destruction of our constitution, the best mode of repelling the danger was to interest the hearts of the people in defence of the advantages they enjoyed, to convince them they had something worth contending for, and impress the nation with the blessing which they might lose. It was necessary also, that every part of the country should be able to contribute to its defence. His lordship said, he feared that this was not the case: he had seen a paper, stating the supplies of the present year, which enumerated, amongst other articles, a sum for the service of Ireland: and this was set down as a reason for continuing the restriction on the bank. If Ireland, instead of being assisted by England, was now (to say nothing more) but a dead weight upon her in her present embarrassed state, it was a consideration of the most serious importance. When our resources were so vaunt ed, it was a painful reflection to know, that the sister kingdom was no longer in a condition to contribute to the general cause. If Ireland was reduced to such a state of wretchedness, that men actually died for want, without any failure of the natural supplies of subsistence; if manufactures in parts of the country, where formerly they had been most flourishing, were re duced to nothing; if the industry of the people was suspended; to what cause was it to be ascribed? When the increasing commerce of this country was made a subject of exultation, who would rejoice to think it was increased at the expence of the sister kingdom? If the manufacturers and merchants of Eng land found their trade extended, he was persuaded they were too generous, too liberal, too high of spirit, and too just, to wish to engross profits in which their fellow subjects in Ireland did not participate. In the addresses that had been sent about, to solicit subscriptions for the relief of the distressed manufacturers in Ireland, it was stated, that the greater part of them were out of employment and starving. He referred their lordships to the application made by the lord-mayor of Dublin for relief; by which document it appeared, that upwards of 37,000 manufacturers were reduced to the extremity of distress in that city. To prove the fact, by another instance, in the towns of Belfast and Newry, the customs had usually produced 150,0001.; the present produce of them would not amount to a fifteenth part of the sum. The causes of these unhapby effects there must originate in something connected with the internal system of the country. Last year, it was in vain that he called the attention of the house to their state-in vain he predicted the consequences which our system had now produced. The situation of Ireland was now more urgent; and, by every motive of justice and policy, we were called upon to remedy the evils which the sister kingdom suffered, and to prevent those which might ultimately extend to us. It had been said, that for their lordships to interfere would be to usurp an authority over an independent country; to which his answer was, that the circumstances were such as might be the foundation of an address for the recal of a viceroy, and, therefore, the house was competent to the review of such proceedings. To move this address was far from his intention; he he highly respected the character and the mother hanging over the child in its bed, in agony at its distress, and waiting in hopes of a favourable moment, to offer it some relief, which she could not possibly do in the dark. The party, however, insisted that the fire and light should be extinguished, and all further opposition would have been fatal. In former times it had been the custom for Englishmen to hold the infamous proceedings of the inquisition in detestation : one of the greatest horrors with which it was attended was, that the person, ignorant of the crime laid to his charge, or of his accuser, was torn from his family, immured in a prison,and in the most cruel uncertainty as to the period of his confinement, or the fate which awaited him. To this injustice, abhorred by protestants in the practice of the inquisi tion, were the people of Ireland exposed. All confidence, all security, were taken away. In alluding to the inquisition, he had omitted to mention one of its characteristic features. If the supposed culprit refused to acknowledge the crime with which he was charged, he was put to the rack, to extort confession of whatever crime was alleged against him by the pressure of torture. The same proceedings, had been introduced in Ireland. When a man was taken up on suspicion, he was put to the torture; nay, if he was merely accused of concealing the guilt of another. The rack, indeed, was not at hand; but the punishment of picqueting was in practice, which had been for some years abolished, as too inhuman, even in the dragoon service. He had known a man, in order to extort confession of a supposed crime, or of that of some of his neighbours, picqueted till he. actually Actually fainted picqueted a second time till he fainted again; and, as soon as he came to himself, picqueted a third time, till he once more fainted; and all upon mere suspicion! Nor was this the only species of torture: men had been taken and hung up till they were half dead, and then threatened with the repetition of this cruel treatment, unless they made confession of the imputed guilt. These were not particular acts of cruelty, exercised by men abusing the power committed to them, but they formed a part of our system. They were notorious; and no person could say who would be the next victim of the oppression and cruelty which he saw others endure. This, however, was not all; their lordships, no doubt, would recollect the famous proclamation issued by a military commander in Ireland, requiring the people to give up their arms it never was' denied that this proclamation was illegal, though defended on some supposed necessity: but it was not surprising, that any reluctance had been shown to comply with it, by men who conceived the constitution gave them a right to keep arms in their houses for their own defence; and they could not but feel indignation in being called upon to give up their right. In the execution of the order, the greatest crueltics had been committed; if any one was suspected to have concealed weapons of defence, his house, his furniture, and all his property, was burnt but this was not all; if it was' supposed that any district had not sur rendered all the arms which it contained, a party was sent out to collect the number at which it was rated; and, in the execution of this order, thirty houses were some times bined down in a single night. Officers took upon themselves to decide discretionally the quantity of arms; and upon their opinions these fatal consequences followed. Many such cases might be enumerated; but, from prudential motives, he wished to draw a veil over more aggravated facts which he could have stated, and which he was willing to attest before the privy council, or at their lordships' bar. These facts were well known in Ireland, but they could not be made public through the channel of the newspapers, for fear of that summary mode of punishment which had been practised towards the Northern Star, when a party of troops, in open day (and in a town where the general's head-quarters were), went and destroyed all the offices and property belonging to that paper; it was thus authenticated accounts were suppressed. His lordship concluded with entreating the house, to take into serious consideration their present measures, which, instead of removing discontents, had encreased the number of the discontented: the moment of conciliation was not yet passed; but if the system were not changed, he was convinced Ireland would not remain connected with this country five years longer. Lord Grenville, in reply, said, that it was a matter of no small difficulty to enter into the question now brought forward, on the vague grounds and isolated facts upon which it was supported. The noble baron had spoken of our depressed, resources, and ill-applied means of defence; and had given it as his opinion, that should the war be protracted another year, its sure conse quence would be the ruin of the country. An opinion so disheartening and unfounded, he hoped, would be singular. For his part, he was fully |