ed; the re-establishment of days of festivals which had been suppressed; the annulling the obligations laid on ministers of worship to make the declaration of their allegiance to the republic; and the repeal of every judgment against priests which had not yet received their due execution. This report was therefore considered as a complete answer to the various messages of the directory complaining of the insubordination and contempt of the laws, which they alleged was publicly preached by the refractory priests in every department. Though the report had not yet been carried into effect, yet as the disposition to toleration in the councils had been strongly marked, we cannot wonder that numbers of the unfortunate clergy were induced, on this prospect, to return to their country, some with passports, and many with no authority at all.

The indulgence which was proposed to be given to the priests was also intended to be conferred on other classes who had equal claims on the humanity of government. Amidst the crowds of emigrants from France, a certain description occupied the attention of the legis lature, those who fled from Toulon when the English were forced to retreat, and those who had sought refuge on the German side of the Rhine, to escape the fury of the agents of terror after the repulse of the Austrians. Of this favourable disposition of the council of five hundred towards those who were said to be the victims of terror, others, who had given a more decided proof of hostility, by bearing arms against the republic, it is said, took advantage, though it is probable the numbers of these were greatly magnified in the representations of the directory. These cir.

cumstances, however, were suffi cient to enable the executive government to work on the passions of the multitude to the undoing of their opponents.

Under the affectation of alarm at the measures of the councils, the friends of the directory formed themselves into a club, under the name of the Constitutional Circle, and endeavoured to inspire that confidence in the operation of government which it was represented to be the object of the club of Clichy to thwart or control. Before they had time, however, to take any consistency, or give any effectual support to the measures of government, a law formed on the spur of the occasion, forbidding the assembly of persons for the discussion of political questions, adopted in the council of five hundred, and sanctioned by the ancients, broke up their meetings, and dissolved their association.

In the mean while the royalists were probably not inactive; but the newspapers, of this description, it is said, were multiplied with inconceivable rapidity, and the liberty of the press was claimed and enjoyed to its full extent by those who did not conceal their aversion against the constitution, and the spirit of liberty that permitted it. The government had, at various times, sent before the tribunals the authors of those rhapsodies, both of the royalist and ter rorist persuasion: but as the views of both were equally hostile to government, the acquitted royalist became even the defender of the imprisoned jacobin, and the tribunals seldom found any thing worthy of punishment in the intention of either.

During these contests between the councils and the directory, an event took place which furnished new food for recrimination. Som of the ministers had already been

sub

subjected to the severe animadversion of the legislative body for malversation in their departments, and there is no doubt but the charges against them were well founded. The minister of finance was accused of having favoured the dilapidations of the commissaries of the treasury and the minister of the marine of jacobinical incapacity in every part of the administration.

Whether the directory felt the force of those charges, or whether they were willing to wear the appearance of concession to the wishes of the legislative body, they made almost a total renewal of the ministerial corps. Benezech, the minister for home affairs, was replaced by François de Neufchateau, commissary of the executive directory in one of the departments; Charles Lacroix, minister of foreign affairs, by Talleyrand Perigord; Truguet, the minister of marine, by Pleville Pelay; Cochon and Petiet, the ministers of police and war, were dismissed, but their places were not immediately filled like those of the other ex-ministers.

In dismissing the ministers of foreign affairs, and the marine, the directory acted in conformity to the frequently pronounced opinion of the public; but the dismissal of Benezech and Cochon was considered by the anti-directorial party as a wanton stretch of power, and became the subject of the most virulent declamation, and the most bitter denunciation, both within and without the walls of the council.

If a regard to the public had hitherto restrained the feelings of the anti-directorial party within certain ,prudent bounds, this event filled up the measure of their resentment, which now discovered itself with out disguise. The tribune of the council of five hundred became

little else than an arena fo the display of the angry passions of the anti-directorial party. A member of the new-third, who had been employed as general in the south of France, particularly distinguished himself by two motions relative to the constitutional ages of general Hoche and Barras; the latter of whom was reported to have accepted the office which he held without the qualification of the forty years prescribed by the law; and the other, who was said to have been named by the directory to the war department, had not yet attained the age of thirty, which is required to be invested with the office of minister. The denunciator, however, was said to have been founded in neither of his inquiries; but the hostile intention was too clear to be misunderstood. The existence of a division in the directory was publicly proclaimed from the tribune; and it was asserted, that Barthelemy and Carnot had entered their protests on the secret registers against the measures which the directory were pursuing.

The animosity between the council and the directory had arisen to a considerable height, when another event took place which carried it to the utmost bound. This was the march of troops towards Paris within the limits which the constitution had pointed out, which was a circle of twelve leagues. The council sent a message to the directory to enquire by what authority this infraction of the constitution had taken place? The directory, in reply, informed the council, that the troops which had so much alarmed them, were detachments from the army of the Sambre and Meuse, who were marching for a secret and distant destination, but of whose approach to Paris within the

limits appointed by the constitution they were ignorant, and which, if true, could only arise from the ignorance of the subaltern officers. During these altercations, the directory applied again to the council, for supplies, by a message in which they represented the great penury of the public treasury, and the extreme distress in every part of the public service, which, without the speediest assistance, would be reduced to the utmost state of disorganisation. This message met with nearly the same reception as the former, the council being too busily employed in endeavouring to correct the gross abuses too evidently committed by the executive power. To this end a law was passed, marking out the precise limits of the constitutional radius around Paris, and ordering pillars to be erected, beyond which no troops were to pass without the permission of the legis lative body. As a further security against the meditated attacks of the directory, decrees were likewise passed for the organisation and arming of the national guard of Paris; and the council of the five hundred, for their more immediate security, ordered a considerable augmentation to be made in their own bodyguard. In order to curtail the power of the directory in the departments, it was decreed, that the action of the civil powers should be suspended in no town without the approbation of the legislative, and that no officer should be dismissed but in consequence of a legal judg

ment.

This contest between the chief powers of the state had lasted nearly three months, without any appearance or hopes of accommodation. In the mean time, the negotiations that were begun in Italy for a definitive peace seemed to have been

suspended; but those which were opened again at Lisle, between the French republic and the cabinet of St. James, seemed to approach towards a happy accommodation. It was, however, the interest of the Imperial court to wait the event of this conflict in France, and the directory were too deeply engaged in their domestic struggle to take any decisive measures: the negotiators in Italy, therefore, passed their time. in mutual compliments and civilities, whilst the emperor was garnishing his newly-conceded states with fresh troops.

The political horizon of Paris was growing every day more dark and portentous. The news of this contest had reached the armies, and had been echoed back in addresses to the directory, promising them support in their conflict with their enemies. On the anniversary of the 14th of July, Buonaparte made a proclamation to his army, in which he informed them, that the country was menaced with new dangers from the enemies of government within; "Let us swear," adds he, " by the manes of those who have fallen by our side in the cause of liberty, let us swear on the colours we have newly gained, implacable war to the enemies of the republic and of the canstitution." These addresses from the armies were subjects of fresh alarm; and messages were sent to the directory to inquire into this infracttion of the constitution, in permitting the deliberations of an armed body, and in receiving addresses from them. The explanation given by the directory to this message was referred to a commission, as well as the affair of the march of troops towards Paris, which was a subject of unfailing discussion. On this latter point the reporter, Thibeaudeau, exculpated the directory

from

from any culpable or inconstitutional intention; but at the same time blamed them for permitting or receiving addresses from an armed force. He represented, also, the intentions of the council as being more hostile in appearance than in reality, and offered the means of coming to a speedy and sincere reconciliation.

This reconciliation, reconciliation, however however prompted or desired by the moderate party, was become impossible; the contest was drawing near its crisis, and could end only in the overthrow either of the three members of the executive power, Barras, Rewbel, and la Reveillière-Lepeaux, or in the defeat of the antidirectorial party in the council. The directory had hitherto stood on the defensive, denying or excusing according to the nature of the charges; but were preparing the most audacious violation of the constitution that ever was attempted by any administration. On the introduction, therefore, of the Cisalpine embassador, and general Bernadotte, with the remainder of the colours taken from the Austrians and Venetians, they published a manifesto against their opponents, in terms of menace and contempt. In this discourse, delivered as an answer to the addresses of the embassador and the general, the president of the directory observed, that "the eternal enemies of French liberty were redou bling in vain their exertions to overturn it; that in order to second their efforts, cowardly deserters of the republican cause, alluding to the opponents of the directory in the council, had, by a disgraceful compact, sold their honour and their country to foreign powers, and to the Bourbon race. He represented them as labouring to introduce civil war, and re-establish the monarchy

on the bleeding wrecks of the republic; that, to effect their purpose, they endeavoured to weaken the nerve of the executive power in order to demonstrate the incompatibility of a republican government, with a system capable of maintaining peace and public order, and also to find the easier means of attaining the end which they had in view; and, that to aid these designs, they had called in bands of fanatics and royalists, at a moment when the safety of the state required that the laws should be put in severest force against them." The president assured the general, whom he was addressing,

that the attempts of their enemies would be vain; that the works of darkness of those men, who were continually invoking the constitution whilst they violated it without shame, would never be consummated; and that they would, on the contrary, fall back on the heads of their authors." He assured him "that the-directory would make no compromise with those enemies of the republic; would suffer themselves to be neither seduced or affrighted; hat they would acknowledge no authorities but such as the constitution traced out; that every authority was unlawful that raised itself above the constitution, which was the general and equal regulator of the state; and that neither the number nor the species of their enemies should cause in them any dismay."

This speech of the directory was understood by the councils as a public declaration of hostilities; and preparations were accordingly made for the event. As it was a dispute that was to be decided by other weapons than arguments, both sides had made the necessary preparations. The addresses of the army to the directory had been counterbalanced by addresses from various

administrations of departments, conveying their disapprobation; and so far as the constitution was to be regarded under such circumstances, these addresses from the army were not in conformity to the law. The constitutional radius, lately established, prevented the arrival of more troops than were sufficient for the service of Paris, the number of which was well known, and the guard of the directory was very inferior to that of the councils. The anti-directorial party, presuming on the aid of the citizens of Paris, were they to regain possession oftheir arms, of which they were deprived after the events of the 13th of Vendemiaire, had decreed the re-organisation of the national guard; but the Parisians having had woeful experience of the danger of mingling in those affairs, the law was regarded with the most perfect indifference.

It was not, however, on these uncertain and precarious aids, that their hopes of success were founded. As the government, in the contest of the 13th Vendemiaive, had made use of terrorists, said to have been taken from the prisons, where they had been condemned to punish ment for their revolutionary of fences, in order to oppose the citizens who were in the act of resisting conventional despotism, so they conceived it was equally lawful for them to make use of similar means, in order to abolish the directorial tyranny. These means had been long preparing to their hands. The advocates of the directory allege, that "crowds of emigrants filled Paris from every quarter officers from the prince of Condé's army appeared in the public walks, and mingled in societies, where their character was known: multitudes appeared in the streets with black collars and

cuffs, the insignia of the Vendée uniform: the idea of a republic, in fashionable circles, was a heresy not to be tolerated; and every external sign indicated something like a revolution in the public mind atParis. These emigrants, having their different connexions in that city who were of sentiments not very dissimilar to their own, had convinced them of the facility of bringing about a counter-revolution; and not being deficient in tactics, had organised a body sufficient to overcome any military force which the directory had to oppose, and to effect, so far as Paris was concerned, the purposes they had in contemplation."

That there may be some foundation for a part of these assertions is possible; that, induced by a prospect of more humane and moderate councils, some emigrants might have returned is probable; and that some hot-headed royalists might even flatter themselves with a restoration of the old regimen may also be credited; but they certainly had no connexion with the majority of the councils. The designs of the emigrants, and their friends, the resident-royalists, were certainly, as far as they went, a total subversion of the constitution and the republic: the project of the greater number of the party in the council went certainly no further than effecting a change in the directory, without changing the form of the republic; whilst a very few of the council might possibly be in league with the royalist party, and enter into the full extent of their views.

Although this party might join with the majority in the councils in pursuit of their system, the members who composed that majority were very far from entering into their views. When one of the ma