assured these gentlemen, that as this was a war-tax, it would certainly cease with the war. The resolutions were then agreed to, and the

report received the next day; upon which a bill was framed, brought in, and passed into a law in a few days.

THE

HE continued threats of invasion, which had been held out by the enemy, seem to have excited the apprehensions, and roused the attention of the British ministry soon after the meeting of parliament; and on the 11th of January a message was sent by his majesty to each house, soliciting their attention to that important subject. It was, however, some time before a plan could be matured to the satisfaction of ministers for the defence of the kingdom; and the necessity of agitating the subject in parliament deferred its execution, till the face of affairs in Europe began to assume a different appearance, and till the kingdom was in part relieved from the alarms excited by the formidable preparations on the opposite side of the channel. On the 8th of February, Mr. Dundas moved for the introduction of a bill to enable his majesty to call out a certain portion of the supplementary militia, and incorporate them in the companies of the regular militia. The bill was passed with little of debate; and on Tuesday, March 27, the same mi nister rose in pursuance of a notice

given the preceding day, to move for leave to bring in a bill, to enble his majesty to take measures for the more effectual security and defence of these realms, and to indemnify persons who might suffer injury in their property by the operation of such measures. It was an affair of the greatest importance, and he was aware, that on a motion for a bill of so general a description, gentlemen would ask, "whether we are not now in possession of a navy, which would render futile every attempt of the enemy to invade our coasts?" This he was ready to admit. But, notwithstanding the splendor of our naval character, there existed circumstances at that moment which rendered it imprudent to rest the defence of the country on one branch of its force, It might probably be asked, "is not our army the greatest we ever had? and can we not defend the country by means of the regular forces and the militia?" But notwithstanding these guarantees, he would not altogether rest on them our security and safety. Mr. Dundas then made some remarks on the spirit and zeal that distinguished the

voluntary

yoluntary exertions of the great body of the people in the different corps of yeomanry and county cavalry; these, he observed, were known friends of their country, and ready to come forward in its defence. But while he felt these sentiments of confidence in the general disposition of the people, he should think that the executive government did not enable the zeal and spirit of the country to come forward most effectually, were a measure like the present not adopted and pursued. Many reasons might be assigned for the zeal which distinguished the present period; however, it was sufficient to mention one, viz., that we were fighting for the deepest stake that ever the country had at issue in any contest. This was the opinion of wise men, even in the early stages of the French revolution. Mr. Dundas next made some remarks on the conduct of the French convention relative to their multiplied attempts to introduce anarchy among the people of England, by the emissaries of sedition and revolt. Happily, however, he remarked, the evil spirit had been observed lurking insidiously in the silence of the haunts sacred to sedition, and the enemies of order. Toe honourable secretary did not think it necessary to enter into a detail of the acts of parliament to prove that such was the state of things at that period. he thought it enough to mention it generally. He said it was now his wish to state the object of the bill; in truth, it had two or three objects of importance connected with it. Already some counties had expressed 3 wish to adopt measures in their nature similar. For instance, Dorset, where propositions were made by the men of property, which in

duced the sheriff to hold several meetings; but as from the nature of his office, he could only call out the posse comitatus in cases limited by circumstances of mere local urgency, these meetings had no other effect than giving a collected expression of the patriotism of that county. In other counties, the lord lieutenants had done more; but it was doubtful whether they could go beyond certain bounds. It was the object of this bill to provide for every possible emergency, by giving a power to his majesty to discover who were the persons prepared to appear in arms, to embody for their own defence. Another provision of the bill was to see what number of the inhabitants of certain di stricts would be able to act as pio. neers, or in other laborious situa tions. He also remarked, that in the crisis of real danger, some persons might be influenced by mo tives of personal safety, or the natural wish of preserving their property, which might lead some to withdraw from their country: the present bill, however, would provide, that should the property of individuals be destroyed by a marching army, or fall into the enemy's hands, or be taken for the service of the country, indemnification should be rendered according to its value. The other provisions were, that in the event of its being necessary to employ persons as pioneers, to remove stock, or assist in facilitating the carriage of military stores, proper compensation would be made. The bill, he observed, was intended to give a power of em bodying also a portion of the regular militia, and employing them in the defence of the country.— Upon these broad principles of justice, he was confident, the spirit of the country would be exerted;

and

and he believed that there was nothing that could infuse confidence into a people, and make them feel that their security depended on the measures taken for their defence, but enabling them to unite to defend themselves. Mr. Dundas next made some remarks on the conduct of certain individuals in this country, who, under the pretext of a parliamentary reform, were corresponding with the enemy on subjects highly treasonable. It must be obvious, that, however plausible associations for reform might be at other times, the present was not a period fit either to propose or discuss that question. After making some observations on the conduct of the French relative to Genoa, Venice, and Switzerland, who had announced, he said, to their troops, that every battle gained, was an advantage over England-such an enemy, he said, it became us to oppose, who sought for nothing less than the destruction of our fleet, the annihilation of our commerce, and the overthrow of our constitution. He then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to enable his majesty more effectually to provide for the security and defence of these realms, and to indemnify persons suffer injury in their property by the operation of such

who

may

measures.

General Tarleton did not fise to oppose the motion; but what ever might be the danger apprehended by ministers, he believed there did not exist in the country any body of men exclusively attach ed to France. The country, however, bounded in military resources, which, if rightly managed, would enable it to resist any enemy. In his opinion, the best way of providing for our defence would be

to examine the parts most vulnerable, and there put ourselves in a situation to resist the enemy. He could not be so well informed as ministers relative to the preparations going on in France; but it did not appear to him that they were such as could induce a belief in the probability of a speedy invasion. That they meant to make an attempt was evident, by the preparations in their dock-yards; and though much had been said of the impracticability of a successful descent on our coast, whatever was the situation of some places, he entertained no doubt of the practicability of landing. The general observed, that the military operations of France were conducted on a plan different from that of any other European power; a plan which had abolished the old trans-. port system, while it facilitated the debarkation of troops; this, joined to the uncertainty where the enemy would land, induced him to recommend that all the attention of government might be directed to the defence of the metropolis, in the environs of which, he thought the efficient force of the country ought to be concentrated. He remarked, that it was no information to the French, and that he was therefore in order when he stated, that between London and any part of the coast there was no fortified place to resist the progress of the enemy. If they effected a landing, it must be at a considerable distance from the metropolis, perhaps 150 miles, which would take them six days to accomplish their march, during which period an advantageous situation might be taken to defend the capital. The general concluded by saying, that he had thrown out these cbservations from a sense of his duty to the house and the coun

try a

try, but that he would not oppose

the measure.

General Delancy said a few words in answer to general Tarleton. He remarked it was not true that no preparations had been made to put the country in a proper state of defence. The illustrious commander in chief had, he knew, with great productive diligence, applied himself to the consideration of te state of the country, and was able to draw out the forces to the best advantage.

Sir William Pulteney approved the plan which had that day been offered to the house, although he could have wished that a similar one had been brought forward at an earlier period: but it was not yet too late, and for the lateness of it, the country had only to use greater exertions. He agreed with the honourable general, that the metropolis ought to be guarded with a very great force; and also all the other great towns throughout the kingdom. With regard to the assertion of the right honourable gentleman (Mr. Dundas), that there was a large body of people in the country who wished to faYour the designs of the enemy; for his part, he was sure that there were scarcely any of such a description; and if there were, they must be very few. Whatever opinions might have been once entertained concerning the French, he would venture to say they were now changed. He knew that many persons, in a moment of warmth, would say things of which they afterwards repented, and there was Do circumstance that could serve to rouse the spirit and indignation of the country more effectually than the recent example of Switzerland.

Mr. Nicholls did not rise to oppose the measure, but to declare 1798.

it as his opinion, that all the exertions which could be made in consequence of this plan could produce but little effect, if the present system of coercion in Ireland was continued. There was no chance of making any effectual resistance whilst the people of the sister kingdon were kept down and oppressed; for the remaining part of the empire, he observed, could be but feebly supported. He made some

remarks on the success of the French, relative to Austria and Rome; and said, that Naples and Spain were in danger of experi- # encing the same fate. No person could lament the fate of Switzerland more than he did. But what was the cause of their calamities? It was the divisions which had existed among them, which prevented them from making the necessary preparations to resist an invation. Such, he said, must be the fate of this country, if that dreadful division existed between England and Ireland. It was of the most serious importance to consider of lenient measures, and the wellwishers of the British constitution should try all means, and do every thing in their power, to put an end to those dreadful divisions.

Mr. Wilberforce conceived it necessary for him to rise to give his support to the present measure; because he perceived there were some gentlemen on the opposite side of the house who, although they pretended to support it, yet gave it a kind of secret opposition. In his opinion, it became every man to be unanimous on an occasion like the present. He made some remarks upon what had fallen from the honourable baronet relative to the measure not having been adopted sooner. He observed, that for these three or four years past, the F

same

same plan was acted upon in spirit, and that similar measures, all tending to the defence of the county, had been adopted during the whole of that time. In that country, which he had the honour to represent, he could say, that great numbers of the people, who had never been in the habit of understanding military affairs, had come forward long ago, and offered their services for the defence of the country.

The people of York highly approved of the conduct of his majesty's present ministers, which they knew to be directed to the safety and advantage of the country. He would not trouble the house with any more observations, he found it necessary thus to declare what were the sentiments of his constituents, as well as to express the satisfaction he felt at hearing the present plan proposed.

Mr. Buxton said a few words in support of the present measure, and observed that he had proposed something similar in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, where it had been approved of; and it was determined that carts and waggons should be in a state of readiness to carry away the property of farmers living near the coast.

Mr. Dundas rose to make a short reply to the honourable baronet, relative to the plan being attended with no expence: he said, no gentleman could suppose, that persons being employed in the business of being trained, &c. should have no compensation, though many of the volunteers had come forward and refused any pay at all.

Mr. Hobhouse rose to ask, whether persons under this plan would be forced to serve ?

Mr. Tierney said he highly approved of the measure, and should have contented himself with give

ing it his silent vote, had not an honourable gentleman thrown out some ungrounded assertions against gentlemen on his side of the house, by saying that they had made a secret opposition to the intended plan. This he observed was an illiberal insinuation, and such as he might naturally expect to come from that quarter." But (said Mr. Tierney) I will tell that honourable gentleman, that I am as animated in the cause of defending my country as he can be." When any gentleman in that house, he added,, proposed a measure which he conceived had a tendency to promote the interest of the empire, he would ask, whether that man could be a friend to his country, or acted in a manner becoming a member of that house, who from any little petulance should sneer at what had been offered from the best intentions? For his part, he did not consider himself bound to give a blind support to any measure, though he highly approved of the present.

Mr. Wilberforce rose to explain, and said, he only meant to state to the house, that the language which had fallen from gentlemen on the other side of the house was not like that warm and cordial expression of sentiment which was naturally to be expected in a crisis so essentially different from all others that had ever occurred. In such a crisis, he thought, all ought to be united, that the people of the country without doors might be ready to put into execution those plans which the house might think proper to adopt.

The chancellor of the exchequer rose to make some remarks on what he termed the unwarrantable language thrown out by the honourable gentleman on the other side of the house towards his ho

nourable