PUBLIC PAPERS. His Majesty's most gracious Speech on proroguing the Parliament, June 29, 1798. B My lords and gentlemen, Y the measures adopted during the present Session, you have amply fulfilled the solemn and unanimous assurances which I received from you at its commencement. The example of your firmness and constancy has been applauded and followed by my subjects in every rank and condition in life: a spirit of voluntary and ardent exertion, diffused through every part of the kingdom, has strengthened and confirmed our internal security; the same sentiments have continued to animate my troops of every description; and my fleets have met the menaces of invasion by blocking up all our enemies in their principal ports. Gentlemen of the house of a commerce increased in extent and vigour, notwithstanding the difficulties of war; and have had the singular satisfaction of deriving, at the same moment, large additional aid from individual exertions of unexampled zeal, liberality, and patriotism. The provision which has been made for the redemption of the land tax, has also established a system which, in its progressive operation, may produce the happiest consequences, by the increase of our resources, the diminution of our debt, and the support of public credit. My lords and gentlemen, The designs of the disaffected, carried on in concert with our inveterate enemies, have been unremit tingly pursued; but have been hap pily and effectually counteracted in this kingdom by the general zeal and loyalty of my subjects. In Ireland they have broken out into the most criminal acts of open rebellion. Every effort has been employed on my part to subdue this dangerous spirit, which is equally hostile to the interests and safety of every part of the British empire. I cannot too strongly commend the unshaken fidelity and valour of my regular, fencible, and (M 4) militia "militia forces in Ireland; and that determined spirit with which my yeomanry and volunteer forces of that kingdom have stood forward in defence of the lives and properties of their fellow-subjects, and in support of the lawful government. The striking and honourable proof of alacrity and public spirit, which so many of my fencible and militia regiments in this kingdom have manifested on this occasion, has already received the fullest testimony of the approbation of parliament. This conduct, personally so honourable to the individuals, affords the strongest pledge, both of the military ardour which actuates this valuable part of our national defence, and of their affectionate concern for the safety and happiness of Ireland, which are essentially connected with the general interests of the British empire. With the advantage of this support, and after the distinguished and important success which has recently attended the operations of my, arms against the principal force of the rebels, I trust the time is fast approaching, when those now seduced from their allegiance will be brought to a just sense of the guilt they have incurred, and will entitle themselves to forgiveness, and to that protection which it is my constant wish to afford to every class and condition of my subjects, who manifest their desire to pay a due obedience to the laws. This temporary interruption of tranquillity, and all its attendant calamities, must be attributed to those pernicious principles which have been industriously propagated in that country, and which, whereever they have prevailed, have never failed to produce the most disastrous effects. With such warnings before us, sensible of the danger which we are called upon to repell, and of the blessings we have to preserve, let us continue firmly united in a deter mined resistance to the designs of our enemies, and in the defence of that constitútion which has been found by experience to insure to us, in so eminent a degree, public liberty, national strength, and the security and comfort of all classes of the community. It is only by perseverance in this line of conduct, that we can hope, under the continuance of that Divine protection which we have so abundantly experienced, to conduct this arduous contest to a happy issue, and to maintain, undiminished, the security, honour, and lasting prosperity of the country. The lord chancellor then, by his majesty's command, prorogued the parliament to the 8th of August. Protest on the Duke of Leinster's Mo tion in the House of Lords, June 27th, 1798. DISSENTIENT, Because, the house having thought fit to reject the various motions, respecting the calamitous situation of Ireland, which have been submitted to their consideration, in the first instance for inquiry-in the second, for lenity and conciliation and in the last, for putting an immediate stop at least to the rigorous proceedings of the army in Ireland, where, under the name of a system of coercion, we have reason to fear that atrocious cruelties have been practised-we think it our duty to record the nature of the evidence, on which we have proceeded, and on which our conviction of the truth truth of the facts is founded; and on that evidence to appeal in our own justification to our country, to the world, and to posterity. We affirm, that the facts are undisputed, that the evidence of them is irresistible, and that the effects produced by this barbarous system convict the authors and advisers of such a total want of wisdom, even for their own pretended purposes, as can only be exceeded by the shocking cruelty of the principles avowed, and of the practice recommended by them. We shall state some of the documents we refer to, in the order of time in which they have appeared, in order to shew that this system of coercion has not been hastily resorted to on the spur of an iustant' necessity, but that it was deliberately resolved on long before it could be justified or palliated by any of the pretences or causes which have since been assigned in defence of it. "Dublin Castle, March 3, 1798. 'His excellency further authorises you to employ force against any persons assembled in arms, not legally authorised so to be, and to disperse all tumultuous assemblies of persons, though they may not be in arms, without waiting for the sanction and assistance of the civil authority, if, in your opinion, the peace of the realm, and the safety of his majesty's faithful subjects, may be endangered by waiting for such authority. (Signed) THOMAS PELHAM.' On the 26th of February, 1798, sir Ralph Abercromby declared in public orders, that the very disgraceful frequency of courts martial, and the many complaints of irregularities in the conduct of the troops in that kingdom, had too unfortunately proved the army to Le in a state of licentiousness, which must render it formidable to every one but the enemy.' On the 18th of April, 1798, the following order was issued by major-general Duff: The commander in chief gives this public notice, that the lordlieutenant and council have issued orders to him to quarter troops, to press horses and carriages, to demand forage and provisions, and to hold courts-martial for the trial of offences of all descriptions, civil and military, with the power of confirming and carrying into execution the sentences of such courtsmartial, and to issue proclamations. The commander in chief calls on all the general officers to procure of the magistrates the best accounts they can give of the number of arms taken from the yeomanry, and the well-affected, of arms that have been concealed, and of pikes that have been made, which are to be recovered and taken possession of by the military. They are also to communicate to the people through the priests, and by one or two men selected from each town-land, the purport of the following notice: That the order, if complied with, will be a sign of their general repentance; and not only forgiveness will follow, but protection. That they must be sensible that it is infinitely better for them to remain at home, quietly minding their own affairs, than committing acts which must bring on the ruin of themselves and their families. 'As it will be impossible in some degree to prevent the innocent from suffering with the guilty, the innocent have means of redress, by informing against those who have engaged in unlawful associations, and robbing houses of arms and money. The people must be very igno➡ rant rant not to know, notwithstanding the fair promises of the French, that they have first deceived, and then plundered every country into which they have come. And they are therefore forewarned, that, in case of invasion from the French, if they should attempt to join the enemy, or communicate with him, or join in any insurrection, they will be immediately put to death, and their houses and properties destroyed. The general officers call on the people to know, why they should be less attached to the government now than they were a year ago, when they showed so much loyalty in assisting his majesty's troops to oppose the landing of the French? Is it not because they have been seduced by wicked men ? Why should they think themselves bound by oaths into which they have been seduced or terrified? The people are requested to bring in their arms to the magistrates or commanding officers in the neighbourhood, who have directions to receive them; and no questions will be asked. (Signed) JAMES DUFF, Major-general.' On the 7th of May, 1798, the following orders were issued by lieut.-gen. sir James Steward: 'Whereas it has been represented to lieutenant-general sir James Steward, that in some parts of the country, where it has been necessary to station troops at free-quarters for the restoration of public tranquillity, that general subscriptions of money have been entered into by the inhabitants to purchase provisions for the troops, by which means the end proposed, of making the burthen fall as much as possible on the guilty, is entirely de feated, by making it fall in a light Adjutant-General's Office, Cork, On the 11th of June, 1798, major general Nugent, after holding out certain offers and terms to the insurgents, proceeds to declare, That, should the above injunc tions not be complied with within the time specified, major general Nugent will proceed to set fire to and totally destroy the town of Killincy, Killileagh, Ballynahinch, Sallitfield, and every cottage and farmhouse in the vicinity of those places, carry off the stock and cattle, and put every one to the sword who may be found in arms. It particularly behoves all the well-affected persons who are now with the rebels from constraint, and who, it is known, form a considerable part of their numbers, to exert themselves in having these terms complied with, as it is the only opportunity quests that officers commanding corps will give the strictest orders to prevent setting fire to houses or buildings of any kind, a mode of punishment that can lead only to ever falls on the guilty, but on women and children, who ought always to be spared and protected," and that its principle, if not only operation and effect, is "to involve the friends of government, the belpless and the infirm, in one mass of destruction with the rebel lious and ill-disposed." BEDFORD. WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM, THANET. the most pernicious consequences, Protest on the same Subject, June and that seldom or ever falls on the guilty, but, on the contrary, on the Jandlord, the wife and children of the criminals, who, however ini, quitous the husband or father, ought always to be spared and pro tected. And he has likewise received orders from lieutenant-general Lake, that free-quarters are no longer to be permitted neither are foraging parties to be allowed to go out, unless under the care of an officer, who is to be responsible for every act, in order that the friends of go. vernment, the helpless and infirm, may not be involved in one indiscriminate mass of destruction with the rebellious and ill-disposed.' The prohibition contained in this order, wise and humane as it is, is equivalent to a history of all the horrible transactions it alludes to, and establishes the truth of them by evidence which cannot be disputed or suspected, and also confirms in the strongest terms, and on the irresistible proof derived from practice and experience, that such a mode of punishment "seldom or 28, 1798. DISSENTIENT, 1. Because I was shocked that an address to the king, upon so awful a subject as the present state of Ireland should have been rejected, without one single syllable being said by the king's ministers upon the subject. 2. Because I look back with pride to that law which our ancestors obtained, which says No free man shall be taken, or imprisoned, or disseised of his freehold, or liberties, or free customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwise destroyed. Nor will we not pass upon him, nor condemn him, but by lawful judgement of his peers, or by the law of the land. We will sell to no man, we will not deny or defer to any man, either justice or right." And because I agree with the commentary of that great lawyer, sir Edward Coke, upon this chapter of Magna Charta, wherein he says, "No man destroyed;" that is, fore-judged of life or limb, disinherited, or put to torture or |