Imperial Decree, promulgated at the Porte, on Saturday, 1st September. To you, Kaimakam-Pasha, these are addressed. Ever since the supreme vizir, Izzed Mehemmed pasha, came to that office, instructions were constantly given him to attend to the defence of the Ottoman dominions, and never to be off his guard against the plots of enemies. He, how ever, from selfish motives, has at tended to nothing but his own interest; so that, in the dark himself, with respect to the evil designs of those brutish infidels the French, from not procuring proper intelligence, he did not apprise the in habitants of Egypt thereof in good time. When the unhappy tidings from thence came to our imperial ear, a full month after that insufferable event had come to pass, such were our grief and concern, that, we take God to witness, it drew tears from our eyes, and deprived us of sleep and rest. We have, therefore, immediately deposed him from the office of grand vizir, and have appointed, in his place, Youssouff pasha, governor of Erzerum; until whose arrival at our sublime gate we appoint and constitute you, Mustafa bey, to be Kaimakum. Now, it being incumbent upon all true believers to combat those faithful brutes the French, and it being become a positive duty for our imperial person to deliver the blessed territories from their accursed hands, and to revenge the insults which they have offered to mussulmans, no delay whatever is to take place for the arrival of the new vizir; but the most vigorous measures must be pursued to attack them by sea and land. Wherefore, by a deliberation with the illustrious lawyers, ministers, and chieftains, our subjects, you must (with a full confidence in God and his prophet) fix upon the effectual means of freeing the province of Egypt from the presence of such wretches. You will acquaint all the true believers in thè respective quarters that we are at war with the French; and, turning night into day, will apply your utmost efforts to take revenge of them. You will adopt the most vigilant conduct towards defending the other Mohamedan provinces, and our imperial frontiers, from the plots and malice of the enemy, by the due reinforcement of every port and place with troops and military stores. You will likewise direct your zealous attention towards the due supply of daily provisions to the inhabitants of this our imperial residence; and will watch over the affairs of all persons in general, un til the supreme vizir do arrive. We shall observe your exertions; and may the omnipotent God ordain his divine favour to attend our undertakings, and render us successful in the vindication of our cause. The following Message from the President of the United States was read in the House of Representatives on Monday the 19th of March, 1798. Gentlemen of the Senate, and The dispatches from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the French republic, which wer mentioned in my message to both houses of congress, of the 5th inst. have been examined and maturely considered. While I feel a satisfaction in informing you, that their exertions for the adjustment of the differences between the two nations have been sincere and unremitted, it is incumbent on me to declare, that I perceive no ground of expectation that the objects of their mission can be accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, honour, or the essential interests of the nation. The result cannot with justice be attributed to any want of moderation on the part of this government, or to any indisposition to forego secondary interests for the preservation of peace. Knowing it to be my duty, and believing it to be your wish, as well as that of the great body of the people, to avoid, by all reasonable concessions, any participation in the contentions of Europe, the powers vested in our envoys were commensurate with a liberal and pacific policy, and that bigh confidence which might justly be reposed in the abilities, patriotism, and integrity of the characters to whom the negotiation was committed. After a careful review of the whole subject, with the aid of all the information I have received, I can discern nothing which could have insured or coutributed to success, that has been omitted on my part, and nothing further which can be attempted, consistently with maxims for which our country has contended, at every hazard, and which constitute the basis of our national sovereignty. Under these circumstances, L cannot forbear to reiterate the recommendations which have been formerly made, and to exhort you to adopt with promptitude, decision, and unanimity, such measures asthe ample resources of the country afford, for the protection of our seafaring and commercial citizens; for the defence of any exposed portions of our territory; for replenishing our arsenals, establishing founderies and military manufactures ; and to provide such efficient revenue as will be necessary to defray extraordinary expences, and supply the deficiencies which may be occasioned by depredations on our commerce. The present state of things is so essentially different from that in which instructions were given to collectors to restrain vessels of the United States from sailing in an armed condition, that the principle on which those orders were issued has ceased to exist. I therefore deem it proper to inform congress, that I no longer conceive myself justifiable in continuing them, unless in particular cases, where there may be reasonable ground of suspicion that such vessels are intended to be employed contrary to law. In all your proceedings it will be important to manifest a zeal, vigour, and concert in defence of the national rights, proportioned to the danger with which they are threatened. United States, 19th March, 1798. JOHN ADAMS. Saturday, December 8, 1798, the President of the United States met · both Houses of Congress, in the Representatives' Chamber, and addressed them as follows: Gentlemen of the Senate, and While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the dispepsations of Divine Providence, in the alarming and destructiue pestilence with which several of our cities and towns have been visited, there is cause for gratitude and mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared, and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety at the seat of government, for the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this fatal disorder has, within a few years, made repeated ravages in some of our principal sea-port towns, and with increased malignancy, and when we consider the magnitude of the evils arising from the interruption of public and private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected, I think it my duty to invite the legislature of the union, to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health-laws of the respective states; for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems to be a necessity that congress, who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system which, while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce, and the safety of the revenue. While we think on this calamity, and sympathise with the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being our annual oblations of gratitude for a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of his providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well-being and safety; I mean that spirit. which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honour, dignity, and independence has appeared, which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the government, will enable us to view, undismayed, the enterprises of any foreign power,. and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory. The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France, which have come to my knowledge during your recess, will be made the subject of a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate failure of the measures which have been taken by the government of the United States towards an amicable adjustment of differences with that power. You will at the same time perceive that the French government appears solicitous to impress the opinion that it is averse to a rupture with this country, and that it has, in a qualified manner, declared itself willing to receive a minister from the United States for the purpose of restoring a good understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that they should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible pretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a minister from the United States should possess; and that, while France is asserting the existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the part of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been given, should even be, indirectly questioned. It is also worthy of observation, that the decree of the directory alleged to be. intended to restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our commerce, has not given, and cannot give any relief: it enjoins them to conform to all the laws of France relative to carrying and prizes, while these laws are themselves the sources sources of the depredations, of which we have so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained. The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter are of British fabric or produce, although the entire property belong to neutrals, instead of being rescinded, has lately received a confirmation, by the fail ore of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues in force, those nations can see in the French government only a power regardless of their essential rights, of their independence and sovereignty; and if they possess the means, they can reconcile nothing with their interest and honour but a firm resistance. Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France which ought to change or relax our measures of defence; on the contrary, to extend and invigorate them is our true policy. We have no reason to regret that these measures have been thus far adopt ed and pursued ; and in proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable situation of Europe, we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full develop ment of our energies and resources. But in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war, in the necessary protection of our rights and honour, we shall give no room to infer that we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient prepara tion for war can alone insure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly cultivated, and harmony between us and France may be restored at her option. But to send another minister, without more determinate assurances that he would be received, would be an act of humiliation to which the United States ought not to submit: it must therefore be left with France, if she is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take the requisite steps. The United States will steadily observe the maxims by which they have hitherto been governed. They will respect the sacred rights of embassy; and with a sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility, to make reparation for the injuries heretofore committed on our commerce, and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration of a friendly intercourse. In making to you this declaration, we give a pledge to France and the world that the executive authority of this country will attend to the humane and pacific policy which has invariably governed its proceedings, in conformity with the wishes of the different branches of the government and of the people of the United States. But cousidering the late manifestations of her policy towards foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and solemnly to declare my opinion, that whether we negotiate with her or not, vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable. These alone will give to as an equal treaty, and insure its observance. Among the measures of preparation which appear expedient, I take the liberty to recall your attention to the naval establishment. The beneficial effects of the small naval armament provided under the acts of the last session are known and acknowledged. Perhaps no country ever experienced more sudden and remarkable advantages from any measure of policy than we have derived from the arming for ουσ pur maritime protection and defence. We ought, without loss of time, to lay the foundation for au increase of our navy, to a size sufficient to guard our coast and protect our trade. Such a naval force, as it is doubtless in the power of the United States to create and maintain, would also afford to them the best means of general defence, by facilitating the safe transportation of troops and stores to every part of our extensive coast. To accomplish this important object, a prudent foresight requires that systematical measures be adopt ed, for procuring at all times the requisite timber and other supplies. In what manner this shall be done I leave to your consideration. I will now advert, gentlemen, to some matters of less moment, but proper to be communicated to the national legislature. After the Spanish garrisons had evacuated the posts they occupied at the Natchez and Walnut Hills, the commissioner of the United States commenced his observations to ascertain the point near the Mississippi which terminated the northernmost point of the thirty-first degree of north latitude. From thence he proceeded to run the boundary line between the United States and Spain. He was afterwards joined by the Spanish commissioner, where the work of the former was confined; and they proceeded together to the demarkation of the line. Recent information renders it probable that the southern Indians, either instigated to oppose the demarkation, or jealous of the consequences of suffering white people to run a line over lands to which the Indian title had not been extinguished, have, ere this time, stopped the progress of the commissioners. And, consider ing the mischiefs which may result from continuing the demarkation, in opposition to the will of the Indian tribes, the great expence attending it, and that the boundaries which the commissioners have ac tually established probably extend at least as far as the Indian title has been extinguished, it will perhaps become expedient and necessary to suspend further proceedings, by res calling our commissioner. The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the fifth article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and na vigation between the United States and his Britannic majesty, to determine what river was truly intended under the name of the river St. Croix, mentioned in the treaty of peace, and forming a part of the boundary therein described, have finally decided that question. On the 25th of October, they made their declaration, that a river called Schoodiac, which falls into Passamaquoddy-bay, at its north-western quarter, was the true St. Croix, in tended in the treaty of peace, as far as its great fork, where one of its streams comes from the westward, and the other from the northward; and that the latter stream is the continuation of the St. Croix to its source. This decision, it is under. stood, will preclude all contention among individual claimants, as it seems that the Schoodiac and its northern branch bounds the grants of lands which have been made by the respective adjoining governments.-A subordinate question, however, it has been suggested, still remains to be determined. Be tween the mouth of the St. Croix, as now settled, and what is usually called the Bay of Fundy, lie a uumber of valuable islands. The commissioners have not continued the boundary lines through any chan nel |