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troops each place had engaged to furnish, were plainly stated, as well as the means they had adopted to carry on a secret correspondence with all parts of the country, both with respect to their own allies and the movements of the Turks. To enter more into particulars would not be justifiable in me.

•• The empress sent them to the army in Moldavia, to prince Po. temkin, giving them 1,000 ducats for their journey thither. They left Petersburgh the -JJ May 1790. In August they were sent to Greece by the way of Vienna, and major general Tamara with them, to superintend thewholeexpedition, and furnish them with the assistance they required.

"It merits attention, that the king of Prussia had posted an army of 150,000 men, in June 1790, on the frontier of Bohemia; that the convention of Keichenbach was signed the 27th of July. The sentiments of the court of London respecting the war, and its probable interference in as serious a way as Prussia had done, were known at St. Petersburgh. It is to these circumstances we must attribute the slowness with which the projects of the Greeks were seconded. They were assured that they should have every succour they required, and much more: money was sent, but not much of it disbursed; they were enjoined to prepare every thing, but to undertake nothing, till the proper moment should arrive for their acting, which, they were told, depended on many circumstances of which they were ignorant. Lambro in the mean time acted by himself, but could undertake nothing of any consequence. Things remained thus till after the campaign was ended, and prince Polemkin came to St. Petersburgh.

"The fate of the armament commanded by the gallant Lambro deserves to be mentioned.

"The Greeks proved on this occasion their love of liberty, their passion for glory, and a perseverance in. toils, obedience to discipline, and contempt of danger and ■ death, worthy of the brightest pages of their history; they fought with, and conquered very superior num. bers; and when at last tliey were attacked with an inequality of force, as great as Leonidas had to encounter, they fought till their whole fleet was sunk, and a few only saved themselves in boats.

"Lambro had only resource* left to fit out one single ship; the news of a peace arrived; but boiling with indignation at the neglect he had experienced from the Russian agents, and thirsting for revenge, he sailed notwithstanding, and attacked and defeated several Turkish vessels: he was declared s pirate, and disavowed by Russia— but he was not intimidated—at length he was again overpowered; he disdained to strike; his vessel sunk under him, and be again escaped in his boat, and took refuge in the mountains of Albania.

"The conduct of the Russian agents to him was the most scandalous. The peculation of all those i entrusted at a distance with the em. press's money was become so glaring and common, that they looked on it as their own property. Lambro was suffered to be imprisoned for debts contracted for his armaments, and was only released by the contributions of bis countrymen."

"In the spring of 1791, an armament was prepared in England to sail for the Baltic, to force the empress to make peace. The king of Prussia was ready to co-operate

by land. Instead of the fleet, Mr. 1 Fawkener. arrived at Petetsburgh. It was still undetermined by the empress, whether she should brave England and Prussia (though from the turn affairs hud taken in England, and the arrival of another ambassador, she was assured she had little to fear from our fleet, and consequently, little from the Prussian army), or make peace with the Turks on the conditions she had consented to, when she was more seriously alarmed.

"In this uncertainty a courier was kept depart with instructions to general Tamara. The king's envoy was informed of this circumstance, and would have learnt immediately the contents of the dispatch, which- would have made him acquainted with the empress's resolution respecting the prosecution of the war, or consenting to peace. The courier, however, was not dispatched. The business was terminated with the king's joint envoys. Prince Potemkin departed for the army, and on his road learnt the victory gained by Repnin over the vizir's army, and the signing the preliminaries of peace. Secret orders-had been sont to Repuin, as soon as the empress had resolved to conclude a peace, which he fortunately executed; and it is certain that he received a copy of the arrangement made with the king's ministers, before he signed the preliminaries. Impediments were thrown in the way of the departure of the messenger dispatched to Constantinople, so that he did not arrive till any interference of our ambassador could be effect.

"It is plainly to be seen, that

though the empress pretended she

had of her own accord (and before

the arrangement with his majesty


was known to her general) concluded a peace, the interference of his majesty in bringing about that event had a' weighty effect.

"When the news of the signing the preliminaries reached the Rus sian fleet, it had beaien the Turks in the Black Sea, and was pursuing them into the channel of Constantinople, where they must inevitably have been destroyed. Had the Russian admiral been a man of more experience, they might all have been taken in the engagement.

"Thus ended a war, which, had it not been for the interference of Great Britain and Prussia, would have placed the empress's grandson on the throne of Constantinople; and, had not circumstances imperiously prescribed to them the part they acted, we should have had, in Russia and Greece, allies which would, long ago, have enabled his majesty and the emperor, in all human probability, to have humbled a foe, which now threatens all Europe with total subversion, and even to become the instrument of emancipating Greece from the Turkish tyranny, not to become an independent people, but to be oppressed by a worse tyranny, under the name of liberty.

"The Suliotes still maintain their independence: they were often attacked by the Turks, but were as often successful; they fought seventeen battles or skirmishes, the last of which had nearly been fatal to them, as appears by the following paper, communicated to me by a drogoman, now in the British service, which will throw much light on the character of the inhabitants of Epirus; and it contains, besides, very curious and interesting matter. The authenticity of what he relates cannot be called in question, as it very exactE . ly ly agrees with every other account 1 have received.

"In 1792, being in the French service as interpreter, I was sent from Salonico by the French consul, Mr. Cosenery, on some business regarding the consulship, to Ali Pasha, at Vanina, the capital of Epirus. I arrived there the 1st of May, and found the pasha making great preparations for war. I found also there the French consul of Prevesa, Mr. de la Sala (a descendant of the Salas, who betrayed the Morea to the Turks, when in the possession of the Venetians), and acting as commissary, not only to provide timber in Epirus for the French navy, but also for revolutionizing that country.

"He communicated to me his commission, insinuating, that if I would assist hirr., I might expect great rewards. One day, when we were with Ali Pasha, our conversation turned upon the French revolution, which was always iutro-duced with a view to excite him to throw off all obedieuce to the portc. The pasha said to us—' You will 'see that Ali Pasha, the successor 'of Piros (Pyrrbus) will surpass * him in every kind of enterprize.'

"The pasha continued to assemble troops without making known his intentions. In July, his army consisted of 2<>,C<>0 good Turkish soldiers, who were the more formidable, as they were all Albanians. He then declared, that his design was to attack the Mahomedan town of ArginuaMro, situated twelve leagues distant from Yanina, which would not be governed by a person he seut for that purpose, nor anywise submit to him. With this excuse he wrote to captain Bogia and captain Giavella, two of the most considerable of the chiefs of the Greek inhabitants of the mountain

of Sulli, praying them to meet him with all their soldiers or ompanions, to assist in this expedition. His letter was in modern Greek, of which the following is a verbal translation:

'Mv friends, captain Bogia and 'captain Giavella, I, Ali Pasha, sa« lute you, and kiss your eyes, be'cause I well know your courage 'and heroic minds. It appears to

• me that I have great need of you, 1 therefore I entreat you immedi

• ately, when you receive my letter, 'to assemble all your heroes, and 'come to meet me, that I may go 'to fight my enemies. This is the 1 hour and the time that I have 'need of you. I expect to see your 'friendship, and the love which 'you have for me. Your pay shall 'be double that which I give to the 'Albanians, because I know that 'your courage is greater than 'theirs; theiefore I will not go to 'fight before you come, and I ex'pect that you will come soon. 'This only, and I salute you.*

"I was present when the pasha's Greek secretary wrote this letter, and I took a copy of it, it not appearing to him or to me as a matter of secrecy.

"Ali Pasha is an Albanian of Tep£-dellen; he is a son of Veli Pasha, who governed a part of Albania; though a Mahomedan, he understands very little Turkish, and speaks only Greek and the Albanian language which is a mixture of Slavonian, Turkish, Greek, and a few old French words, but perfectly unintelligible to those who understand all those languages.

"On receiving this flattering letter, the chiefs held a council with their men. Captain Bogia, and the majority of the soldiers, thought the pasha's proposal was only a stratagem to get them into his power, er, and make himself master of their mountain. Captain Bogia, in consequence, wrote to the pasha, that he received his letter with great respect and submission, and was himself ready to obey his orders; but as he could not persuade his people to follow him, it was unnecessary for him to go alone. Captain Giavella, either through avarice: or ambition, was induced to comply with the pasha's request, and went to his army, though only with seventeen men. He was received with great marks of friendship. The pasha and his army marched four leagues on the road towards Argirocastro, and encamped; but he sent an advanced post, consisting of 400 men, under a buluk-bashee, as far as the town, and the people making a sortie, a skirmish ensued. Giavella and his men were now perfectly convinced of the pasha's design, and laid aside all suspicion; but six days afterwards they were all seized unawares, as they were dispersed in the Turkish camp, and put in heavy irons, except three, who, getting their arms, defended themselves till they were slain. The men were sent to Yanina, and imprisoned in the small island which is in the Acberusian lake, on the banks of which Yanina stands; but Giavella was kept in the camp. The pasha immediately turned his march towards Sulli, and arrived before the mountain the next day. The Suliotes, who are always on their guard, had notice of the pasha's approach, and of the fate of their countrymen, six hours before he arrived. They assembled, and gave the command in chief to captain Bogia, whose abilities they knew.

The mountain of Sulli, or Caco-sulli, so called on account of the ill.the Turks have experienced from them, is situated eight leagues from

Santa-maura (or Leucas) in the Ionian Sea, having Prevasa (Nice— polis) to the south-west, distant ten leagues; Yanina to the east, twelve leagues; and south-east, Arta, distant eight leagues..

"To the south, this mountain joins the Chimaera mountains, which are inhabited also by independent Greek Christians, allies of the Suliotes. On the east, at the foot of the mountain, is a fine plain of about six square leagues, which is very fertile; in it they have built four villages, for the purpose of cultivating the land; but in time of danger the inhabitants fly to the mountain. There being no water in the plain, they have sunk cisterns or reservoirs to collect the rain.

"The mountain is a natural strong fortress. Three sides are perpendicular precipices to the bottom The top of tne mo ntain they call Tripa, which signifies a cavity. There is only one narrow steep passage to ascend to it, and it is defended by three towers, nearly a mile distant from each other, situated on eminences, where the road is most difficult. The ascent is about three miles long. In the first mile there is a village called Kapha, which signifies top or summit.

"On the side towards Chimaera there is a small brook, formed by the melting of the snow of those mountains, from which, in case of need, the inhabitants x>f Sulli get water, by letting down sponges, as the sides are not even enough to let down any kind of bucket or other vessel; and this water cannot be cut oft by the Turks, as it is defended by the heights of the mountains.

"Captain Bogia ordered corn to

be carried from the villages to the

Tripa, for six months provisions, as

it is always kept in readiness to be

£ 2 transtransported; then the four villages were evacuated; half of the inhabitants went to Kapha, and the others to Tripa, their last asylum, which will contain ten thousand men; then, having more time, he threw into the cisterns hogs and lime, and other nastiness, to prevent the Turks using the water.

•" The pasha encamped in the villages, and surrounded the mountain ata distance, to prevent their receiving assistance of troops from the Chimaeriotes, or ammunition from St. Maura or Prevasa, whence they are always supplied. The main body of the Turkish army in the villages was commanded in person by the pasha; the corps towards Chimatra by his son Mokhtar, pasha of Arta (of two tails) and cap-^ tain Prognio, who was a chief of the Paramatbiau Albanese ; the side towards Prevasa was commanded by Mamed Bey and Osman Bey his brother; that on the side of Arta, by Soliman Ciapar, another chief of the same Albanian town of Paramathia, a man of eighty-five years of age, tall, and of a fine gigantic stature, having no appearance of . age but the snowy whiteness of his beard; he had with him eleven sons from thirty to sixty years of age, all tall and strong like their father: their bodily strength and personal courage caused them to be looked on as heroes, and gave them a remarkable superiority among their countrymen: they went together, that if one fell the others might revenge his death; for among these people it is the custom, that reJations go to the war together to revenge each other's death. Those who have the greatest number of relations are the most powerful families, and the fathers of the principal families are their chiefs.

"I will speak a little on the sub

ject of those Paramathiau Albanese. Theirtown is situated twelve leagues distant from Yanina; they possess a territory of twelve leagues in circumference, and can bring into the field 20,000 men. Their country is so mountainous and inaccessible, that they have never been conquered by the Turks. How they became Mahomedans they do not know themselves exactly; some of them say, that when the Turks first invaded these countries, they made peace, on condition of becoming Mahomedans, and procuring their independence. They speak Greek, and know no other language; tbey look on the Turks and other Albanians as effeminate, and hold- them in the utmost contempt. Tbey have no regular government; each family or relationship (clan) administers justice among themselves. The largest clans have the most influence in the country in all public or general matters. They are careful not to kill people of another kindred, as the relations revenge his death, and when once bloodshed has thus begun, it goes on till one of the clans is extinct. They always carry their guns with them, whenever they go out of their houses, and never quit them; even at home they are not without their pistols in their girdles; at night they put them under their pillows, and lay their gun by them beside. The same precautions are observed in all these parts, except the town of Yanina. There are amongst the Paramathians, however, a considerable number of Greek Christians, who live all in the same manner. Those who are Mahomedans know little of their religion, or pay title regard to it; their women are not veiled; they drink wine, and intermarry with the Christians. It is true, indeed, that tbey will not


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