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The Duchess of Marlborough has given graphic account of the princess's flight. Among those who joined the princess pri at Nottingham, to which town she was conducted, was the Earl of Chesterfield, grandfather of the more celebrated earl of that name, the extracts from whose diary, prefixed to the lately published volume of his correspondence, give us a more circumstantial account of the Princess Anne's progress. Lord Chesterfield found the princess in fear of an attack from Lord Molyneux, a Roman Catholic nobleman, who had taken up arms in behalf of James. She had five or six hundred horse, brought together by the Earl of Devonshire, to which Lord Chesterfield added a hundred, and the militia of the county had been raised to attend her. Disputes arising among the young noblemen who were with her, the princess appointed a council to settle questions of precedence, and to regulate the marching of troops; but Lord Chesterfield refused to be of this council, on the ground that he was a privy-councillor of her father's, and that he had come only to aid in defending her from attack, and could countenance no designs of aggression against the king his master. He refused also to enter into an association, projected by the Bishop of London and the Earl of Devonshire, for the purpose of destroying all the Roman Catholics in England, in case the Prince of Orange should be killed by any of them. "After my refusing it, the Lord Scarsdale, the Lord Ferrers, and Lord Cullen, and above a hundred gentlemen, refused likewise to sign the paper, which made the princess extremely angry; but, however, to keep my promise with her highness, I waited on her from Leicester to Coventry, and from thence to Warwick, where her highness hearing news that the king's army had revolted to the Prince of Orange, and that his majesty was fled beyond the sea, I told her highness that now she was come to a place of safety, I did humbly desire to take my leave; so, after my having received many thanks from her highness, I returned home with all the gentlemen that went with me." (Letters of the second Earl of Chesterfield, p. 51.) Some account of the princess's military progress is given also in "The Apology for the Life of Mr.

teen, was a soldier in the princess's train. (pp. 41-49. ed. 1822.) The Prince and Princess of Denmark met at Oxford for the first time after their late separation, and had great honours paid them by the university. They came to London on the 19th of December, the day after James II.'s flight; and on the evening of this day, at the very time that her father was going down the river into exile, the Princess Anne and Lady Churchill, both decked in orange ribbons, went in state in one of James's carriages, and attended by his guards, to the play-house. The princess had before shown her want of filial affection by calling for cards on the night on which she had heard of the king's first intercepted flight. (Diary of Henry Earl of Clarendon, in Singer's Clarendon and Rochester Correspondence, ii. 251.)

The settlement of the crown on William and Mary for their joint lives and the life of the survivor, by the convention called by William, so far affected the interests of Anne, who, in the natural course of things, should have immediately succeeded Mary, in the event of her dying without issue, that some opposition on her part and the part of her friends was to be apprehended. The Tories, the great bulk of whom had joined with the Whigs in inviting William into England, but who split from the Whigs as soon as the question arose how to fill the throne which James's flight had left vacant, endeavoured to induce the princess to throw difficulties in the way of this settlement. The diary of her uncle, Lord Clarendon, shows the efforts made by him for this purpose, and the mortification which he felt at their not being attended with success. (pp. 248, 255, 266, 270.) Lady Churchill, according to her own account, was at first anxious for Anne to urge her claims in opposition to the proposal to settle the crown on William for his life; but afterwards seeing that it would be fruitless to do so, and having consulted Lady Russell, the widow of Lord Russell, who was beheaded in the reign of Charles II., and Tillotson, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, the latter of whom, at her request, made a strong representation to the princess, she persuaded Anne to give her consent to the settlement.

The settlement of William and Mary in the throne was soon followed by a breach between Mary and her sister Anne, which continued till the death of Mary. A long account of the origin and progress of this quarrel is given by the Duchess of Marlborough, whose testimony however should be taken with the caution proper towards a strong partisan, who was herself, and according to her own story, one chief cause of the quarrel, and who suppresses some facts which have an important bearing on its merits. Anne very early took umbrage at the king and queen's refusing her some rooms at Whitehall, and a residence at Richmond, which she desired. A more serious difference arose out of the question of the princess's revenue, what its amount was to be, and whether it should be specifically settled upon her by parliament or left in William's discretion. William was anxious to have it in his own hands, and had suggested an amount very much below that which the princess expected. Those who supported her interests in parliament, chiefly Tories, of whom the Duchess of Marlborough says that "their zeal on the present occasion was doubtless to thwart King William, for I never observed that on any other they discovered much regard for the Princess of Denmark," proposed that 70,000l. per annum should be settled upon her. This opposition to King William's views about the princess's revenue gave him great offence. Queen Mary took an opportunity one day of asking her sister what was the object which her friends in parliament proposed to themselves. Anne answered, according to the Duchess of Marlborough, that " she heard her friends had a mind to make her some settlement; the queen hastily replied, with a very imperious air, Pray what friends have you but the king and me?' I had not the honour to attend the princess that night; but, when she came back, she repeated this to me. And indeed I never saw her express so much resentment as she did at this usage." (Account, p. 29.) William, having in vain tried several expedients to gain his purpose, ultimately sent the Duke of Shrewsbury to Lady Marlborough with a proposal to allow the princess 50,000l. a year, if she would consent to leave her allowance to him. Lady Marlborough referred Lady the duke to the princess herself, who replied to the king's proposal, that she thought it only right to have her revenue secured to her, and that the matter had now gone so far that she would see what her friends could do." In the end, 50,000l. a year was settled upon Anne by parliament. This victory obtained over William by the princess widened the breach that already existed, and other circumstances soon occurred to make it yet wider. The dismissal of the Earl of Marlborough in 1692 from all his employments was followed up by a demand from the queen for the countess's dismissal from the princess's household. To this demand the princess gave a decided refusal. The queen then sent a message to the princess by Lord Devonshire, the lord-chamberlain, forbidding the Countess of Marlborough to stay any longer in the cockpit. The princess, on receiving this message, resolved to leave the cockpit herself; and the Duchess of Somerset placed Sion House at her disposal. The king endeavoured without avail to dissuade the Duke of Somerset from allowing his house to be lent.

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Before the princess removed," says the

Duchess of Marlborough, " from the cockpit, she waited upon her majesty at Kensington, making all the professions that could be imagined, to which the queen was as insensible as a statue." (Account, p. 60.) Other acts of respect and attention from the princess to the queen were met with equal disdain, Mary continuing to make Lady Marlborough's dismissal an indispensable condition of her return to kindness, and Anne resolutely adhering to her favourite. The queen adopted various petty modes of vexing and punishing the princess. At last, in 1694, Queen Mary was taken ill with the small-pox. The princess sent a lady of her bedchamber to the queen, to request permission to wait on her ; and to this lady an answer was written by Lady Derby, one of the ladies of the bedchamber to the queen, desiring her to give the king and queen's thanks to the princess, and hoping that she would defer the visit, as it was necessary to keep the queen perfectly quiet. Mary died, without seeing her sister, or leaving her any message of kindness.

Though Queen Mary's conduct in this quarrel was blamable, yet there are circumstances serving in some degree to extenuate it, which the Duchess of Marlborough is careful not to mention. She is altogether silent as to her husband's intrigues with James, which were the cause of his losing William's favour, and after the discovery of which a continuance of Anne's close connexion with the Marlboroughs would naturally excite anger in William and Mary's minds. Nor does she mention that shortly after Marlborough had opened a correspondence with James, he induced Anne also to write him a letter, expressing her repentance for the part which she had taken against him in the Revolution, and praying her father's forgiveness. Her letter is in the Life of James II. which Mr. Clarke has published from the Stuart papers. (vol. ii. p. 477.) William and Mary would have known of this letter, through their spies at St. Germain's. The reconciliation of Anne with James must have been a deep and not altogether unreasonable mortification to William; and with Mary, the jealousy of a sister would have heightened her resentment.

After the death of Mary, Anne addressed a letter of condolence to William, and asked permission to wait upon him. The permission was given, and a reconciliation between William and Anne ensued. But there was never any cordiality between them. The Duchess of Marlborough makes many complaints, some of them very trivial, of William's want of attention and courtesy to his sister-in-law. The correspondence which Anne had commenced with her father did not end with her first letter of repentance. When, towards the end of the year 1696, William's life was thought to be in danger, she endeavoured to combine an appearance

to ask James's permission to accept the crown in the event of William's death. James, as may be supposed, was not pleased with the application. In July, 1700, Anne lost, at the age of eleven, her son, the Duke of Gloucester, the only one of her many children who had survived infancy. After this last and severest blow to her maternal hopes, she always spoke of herself, in writing to the Duchess of Marlborough, as "poor unfortunate Mrs. Morley." The death of the Duke of Gloucester made it necessary to provide a Protestant successor to the throne after Anne, and the Act of Settlement was passed, giving the succession, after Anne, to the Princess Sophia of Hanover. [WILLIAM III.] William died on the 8th of March, 1702, and on the same day Anne became queen of England.

William died in the midst of preparations, for which he had made alliances with Austria, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden, for humbling France; Louis XIV. having permitted his grandson, Philip, duke of Anjou, to accept the throne of Spain, in violation of the treaty of Partition, and having also, on the death of James II., which took place in September, 1701, about six months before William's death, acknowledged James's son as king of England. On the evening of the day of William's death, Anne declared to the assembled privy council her sense of the importance of carrying on the preparations against France, and her determination to lose no time in assuring the allies of the zeal with which she would pursue the policy of her predecessor. After she had been proclaimed queen, and had received letters of condolence and congratulation from the two houses of parliament, Anne went to the House of Lords, and expressed her joy at finding that both houses concurred with her in the opinion, that too much could not be done for the encouragement of the allies, and " to reduce the exorbitant power of France." The Earl of Marlborough, who within five days after Anne's accession received from her the order of the garter, and the appointment of captain-general of the forces at home and abroad, was then sent on a special mission to the Hague, to give the states-general assurance of the queen's determination to adhere to the grand alliance, and to make arrangements for the commencement of the war. He arrived at the Hague on the 28th of March, and re-embarked for England on the 3d of April. The five days of Marlborough's stay at the Hague had been well spent. He arranged with the states and with the imperial envoy for declaring war against France and Spain on the same day in London, at the Hague, and at Vienna, and for commencing operations with the siege of Kaiserswerth on the Rhine and a naval expedition against Cadiz; and he had been appointed com

was proclaimed on the 4th of May; and on the 12th Marlborough proceeded to Holland to assume his command. The fleet which it had been arranged to send against Cadiz did not get under weigh from St. Helen's before the 1st of July. Sir George Rooke was appointed to command the fleet, and the Duke of Ormond the military force sent with it. Want of union between the two commanders caused the failure of this naval expedition; but the success which attended Marlborough's first campaign in Flanders was more than an equivalent for the miscarriage at Cadiz.

But while Anne thus zealously, under the influence of Marlborough, followed up William's foreign policy, she showed, by her appointments to places in the ministry and the court, a very decided determination to opposite counsels in questions of domestic policy; and in spite of all that was said for the Whigs by her friend and adviser, Marlborough's wife, she set about showering preferment on the Tory party. Her early education had made her zealous for the Church of England, and taught her to view the Whigs as enemies to it; and the prejudices thus early conceived against that party, which was in power during the greater part of William's reign, were not likely to have been softened by her own quarrels with William and Mary. The Tories had aided her in the affair of her settlement, and towards the end of William's reign, out of power, and having nothing to hope from him, they had paid particular court to Anne.

The Earl of Rochester, the queen's uncle, and among the most violent of the high church party, was continued by Anne in the lord-lieutenancy of Ireland, from which William, a few weeks before his death, had intimated his intention to dismiss him; and leave was given to him to govern Ireland by deputy, in order that he might be able to attend Anne in council. The Earl of Nottingham, another leading Tory, was appointed secretary of state; and being allowed to choose his colleague, named Sir Charles Hedges. The comptroller's staff was taken, with marked indignity, from the Marquess of Wharton, and given in his presence to Sir Edward Seymour, who had been the leader of the Tories in the House of Commons during William's reign. The Marquess of Normanby, afterwards Duke of Buckingham, was appointed privy seal. The names of the great Whig leaders, Lord Somers, Lord Halifax, and Lord Orford, were erased from the list of the privy council. The only members of the Whig party who now held office were the Duke of Devonshire, who was lord high steward, Henry Boyle, afterwards Lord Carleton, who was chancellor of the exchequer, and the Duke of Somerset, who, having been removed from the office of president of the council to make room for Lord Pembroke, was appointed to that of master of the horse, after it had been refused by another Whig, the Duke of Shrewsbury. The last of the ministerial arrangements was the appointment of Lord Godolphin to the high treasurership. He is said to have undertaken this office against his inclination, at the earnest entreaty of Marlborough, with whom he was connected by his son's marriage with Marlborough's daughter, and who said he could not go abroad to command the armies with a con

fidence of punctual remittances unless Godolphin superintended the treasury. Godolphin was the virtual head of the administration now formed, and his and Marlborough's supremacy gave to its policy a more moderate character than was to have been expected from the appointments of such men as Rochester, Nottingham, Normanby, and Seymour. Godolphin and Marlborough soon quarrelled with their more violent colleagues, and prevailed over them. Rochester in a few months retired from the ministry in disgust. After a longer struggle, first Nottingham and then Normanby were got rid of. Godolphin and Marlborough were, at the commencement of Anne's reign, counted Tories, though moderate ones. "I am firmly persuaded," says the duchess, "that notwithstanding her extraordinary affection for me, and the entire devotion which my Lord Marlborough and my Lord Godolphin had for many years shown to her service, they would not have had so great a share of her favour and confidence if they had not been reckoned in the number of the Tories." (Account, p. 125.) They first broke with the more violent section of the Tories, then found themselves dependent for the support of their war policy, which soon engrossed their attention, on the Whigs, and ultimately became united with the Whig party. The Duchess of Marlborough exerted herself assiduously to unite her husband and son-inlaw with her own political party; and circumstances after a time enabled her to influence even the queen in some degree in favour of the Whigs. Though Anne's first ministry was in direct opposition to the political views of her favourite, the appointments in the household afforded numerous proofs of the duchess's personal influence. Two of her daughters were among the queen's ladies of the bedchamber; and the duchess herself was groom of the stole and mistress of the robes, and had the sole management of the privy purse.

The parliament which was sitting at William's death, and which, according to an act passed in his reign, was to sit for six months afterwards, unless in the mean time dissolved, was prorogued by Anne on the 25th of May, 1702, and dissolved on the 2d of July. They had renewed to her the civil list that had been granted to her predecessor,

giving her seven hundred thousand pounds a year for life, and, in compliance with a recommendation in her first speech to the two Houses of Parliament, had passed a bill empowering the queen to appoint commissioners to treat for a union with Scotland. The Scottish parliament also empowered the queen to appoint commissioners for Scotland. The commission was appointed, and met several times; but its labours led to no result, and the union with Scotland was reserved for a later period of Anne's reign.

The new parliament met on the 20th of October, 1702; and the Tories had a large majority in the House of Commons. The address from the Commons in answer to the queen's speech contained two passages showing very unequivocally the prevailing temper of the assembly. The success which had attended Marlborough's arms in Flanders was spoken of as having signally retrieved the ancient honour and glory of the English nation: and Anne having expressed a resolution "to defend and maintain the church as by law established," the Commons assured her in answer, "that they expected to see the church in her reign perfectly restored to its due rights and privileges, and secured in the same to posterity, which is only to be done by divesting those men of the power who have shown they want not the will to destroy it." For the word "retrieved" in the address, which implied censure on the late king, an amendment was proposed by the Whigs to substitute the word "maintained;" but this amendment was rejected by one hundred against eighty. The zeal expressed in behalf of the church soon manifested itself in the introduction of the celebrated bill against occasional conformity. The object of this bill was to prevent persons who had taken the sacrament as a qualification for office, in compliance with the provisions of the Test Act passed in 1672, from attending places of dissenting worship after they had entered upon their offices. The preamble of the bill asserted the principle of toleration, and its supporters professed that it only carried out the existing law, and was no encroachment on the interests of dissenters. It was not, however, so viewed by the dissenters themselves; nor, indeed, was it really supported in any other than a high church spirit. The bill was carried in the Commons by a large majority; but it met with much opposition in the Lords, where several amendments were introduced, from which the Commons dissented. A free conference was held between the two houses to endeavour to adjust their differences, but ineffectually. "When the lords retired, and it came to the final vote of adhering," says Burnet, "the lords were so equally divided, that in three questions, put on different heads, the adhering was carried but by one voice in any one of them; and it was a different person that gave it in all the three divisions. The Commons likewise adhered, so the bill was lost." (History of his own Time, v. 51. ed. 1833.) All the strength of the ministry and the court had been exerted for the bill, and the queen's zeal in favour of it had been shown by her making Prince George attend in the House of Lords and vote for it, though he was himself an occasional conformist, having taken the sacrament to qualify himself for the office of lord high admiral, and constantly attending a Lutheran chapel. The bill was renewed in the next session, and having again passed the Commons, was rejected in the Lords by a majority of seventy-one to fifty-nine. It was again renewed in the third and last session of this parliament, 1704-5; and this

of privilege and mutual right. One of these questions was the important one of the exclusive jurisdiction claimed for itself by the House of Commons in all matters concerning the elective franchise, raised by the celebrated case of Ashby and White, which was an action brought by a freeman of Aylesbury against the returning officers for having prevented him from exercising his franchise. The two houses were at war on this subject when Anne prorogued them, previously to dissolving parliament. Five other freemen of Aylesbury, who had followed Ashby's example, had been committed to prison by the House of Commons, and had been refused a habeas corpus by the Court of Queen's Bench, on the ground that the privilege of the House of Commons precluded its inter

mons tried the expedient of moving to tack it to the land tax bill, and thus make it part of a money bill, with which the Lords could not constitutionally interfere. But this stratagem was defeated even in the House of Commons by a majority of two hundred and fifty-one against one hundred and thirtyfour. The bill afterwards passed the Commons for the third time, and for the third time was rejected by the Lords. The introduction of the bill on this third occasion had been discouraged by the queen, who in her speech at the opening of parliament had recommended entire union at home in order to give greater vigour and efficiency to the country's arms abroad; and it was opposed this time in parliament by the united force of the ministry, of which Nottingham and Seymour were no longer members, and which now found itself acting generally with the Whig party. Anne thus expressed her sentiments with regard to the third introduction of this bill in a letter to the Duchess of Marlborough: (Mr. Bromley was its originator in the House of Commons) "To ease your mind, I must tell you, Mr. Bromley will be disappointed, for the prince does not intend to go to the house, when the bill of occasional conformity is brought in; but, at the same time that I think him very much in the right not to vote in it, I shall not have the worse opinion of any of the lords that are for it; for, though I should have been very glad it had not been brought into the House of Commons, because I would not have had any pretence given for quarrelling, I can't help thinking, now it is as good as passed there, it will be better for the service to have it pass the Lords too." (Account, p. 155.) The Occasional Conformity Bill, though the most important for the principle of public policy involved in it, was only one question among many on which the lords and commons differed during the course of this parliament. From the beginning to the end of it there was an almost uninterrupted series of conflicts between the two houses on questions

writ of error to the Lords. The Commons at once petitioned Anne not to grant the writ, and were informed by her, in a reply which, though somewhat evasive, was unequivocal, that to obstruct the course of law required grave consideration. The Lords afterwards presented an address, praying her to issue a writ of error: and on the day on which Anne prorogued the parliament, the 14th of March, 1705, she told the Lords that she would have complied with their request, but that it was now necessary to terminate the session of parliament, and to have issued the writ would therefore have been useless. This first parliament of Anne was dissolved on the 5th of April, 1705.

In the meanwhile the war had been vigorously prosecuted, and the Duke of Marlborough in the last, his third, campaign, had achieved the splendid victory of Blenheim. [CHURCHILL, JOHN, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.] The Emperor of Austria and his eldest son, Joseph, having renounced their claims to the Spanish succession in favour of the emperor's second son, Charles, this prince had been proclaimed king of Spain at Vienna at the close of the year 1703, and had proceeded, by way of Holland and England, to Portugal, to invade Spain. The arms of the allies in Spain had not been so prosperous as on the Rhine and Danube. The King of Portugal had disappointed Schomberg, the English general, of assistance which he had promised; and in the year 1704, Sir George Rooke, after having stormed and taken Gibraltar, which was very weakly garrisoned, had fought a drawn engagement with the French fleet off Malaga. It is a lamentable proof of party spirit that the same House of Commons which had sought to insult the memory of the late king, by speaking of Marlborough's first comparatively unimportant victories as retrieving the honour of England, now gave no greater praise to the conqueror of Blenheim than to Sir George Rooke, whose smaller operations and doubtful success were exalted in their eyes by his