and surmounted,—and by the exhibition in the bas-reliefs of the desperate valour of the Lycians, despite of which it was that they escaped extermination. I think I even discern, in the eleventh line, in the metaphor of a calm, a trace of the suggestiveness of the sea nymphs. Thus it would appear, that the monument was dedicated to the Powers of prolific Nature, as an expression of gratitude for the restoration of the prosperity and population of the city, after the devastating conquest of Harpagus; for it is evident that this is the only catastrophe to which the sculptures refer, however the eighth line may be understood. That the edifice, by a frequent combination, partook of the character of tomb as well as temple, appears not more from the resemblance of its model to other tombs of Asia Minor, especially the celebrated Mausoleum of Artemisia, than from the subjects of the small friezes of the cornice and cella, which correspond with the formulary decorations of most of the enriched tombs of Lycia. this view it must be regarded more particularly, as the Heröon of the valiant opposers of Harpagus, whose de Πατριδος ἡμετέρης θεοφράδμονες ἡγεμονῆες Αλλὰ καὶ ἡμετέρης ὑποδέχνυσο, ποτνα, θυηλὴν In struction is represented below, while above are the beneficent Divinities by whom the destruction is repaired. A remarkable parallel thus becomes apparent between the symbolism of our monument and that of the Harpy Tomb,*—the representation, here historically, as in the former instance, by a mythus (of the Harpies) of the work of Death, accompanied by an expression of faith in the indestructible, reproductive power of life; "The earth that's nature's mother is her tomb, the same predominant idea, the early prevalence of which in Asia Minor seems to have determined-directly and by antagonism the character of that Ionian philosophy, that occupies so important a place in the leading series of events, to which the cultivated mind of progressive Europe owes so much of its actual modification. It might not be difficult to trace the influences of this principle variously modified, among the heresies and heterodoxies of which this country was so fruitful, as well as among the very diversified religious forms, with which the Christian missionaries first came into collision; here it is to be divined from the impression it confers on the ever faithful and pertinent controversialism of Paul,-at an earlier date, and in very different form, but with scarcely inferior truthfulness, it is displayed by Homer, as a ruling Lycian association of ideas, in the speech of Glaucus. * See an account of this monument in a slight Essay published by the present writer in 1844. 1. Tydides bold, wherefore concerning race do you inquire? 2. Such as of leaves the race, such also that of men; 3. The leaves, these the wind sheds on the ground, but others again the forest 4. Shooting forth produces, and the spring season is arrived; 5. Thus of men, one race springs,—another comes to end. * The disposition to moral reflectiveness, in association with the phenomena of Nature, that appears here and in so much of the mythology of these countries, must have continued to characterize the people to whom Paul addressed the following:-"We preach unto you that you should turn unto the living God which made heaven and earth and the sea and all things that are therein, who in times past suffered all nations to walk in their own ways. Nevertheless he left not himself without witness in that he did good, and gave us rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, filling our hearts with food and gladness." (At Lystra. Acts xiv.) At what date, then, and by whom was the monument erected? The statement of Proclus, that the agalma was raised by Lycian leaders or princes,† if taken into account with the subject, as well as the sumptuousness, of the lavishly enriched monument, goes far to imply, that at the date of its erection, Lycia was absolutely or comparatively independent. And is not Herodotus a witness here? The monument, as we have seen, expressly ascribes the restoration of the populousness of Xanthus, to the fruitful influences of the * Iliad vi. 145. † θεοφράδμονες ἡγεμονῆες —“ heaven-born ministers.” D prolific powers; and turning from this to the statement of the historian, so peculiarly worded and bearing an emphasis most marked and significant, however untranslatable, that "of those of the Lycians who now say that they are Xanthians, the majority are new comers,”† an intimation becomes apparent, that is quite in the Historian's calm manner of setting his mark on a false pretension, whether of Hecatæus, the Ionian and Pythagorean philosophers, or any one else. Directly stated, his account amounts to this: "The present inhabitants of Xanthus pretend to be descendants of the valiant opposers of Harpagus, and have even built a monument to keep their pretensions in countenance; which, however, have so little foundation, that with eighty exceptions they are all strangers, and those eighty were absent at the time of the siege." The impression from this comparison is very strong that Herodotus, so indefatigable a traveller, and who sprung from the neighbouring Halicarnassus, visited Xanthus, and saw this very monument either built or building, and had it in his mind when he wrote the passage quoted. This is quite consistent with what little is to be known or guessed, of the political condition of Lycia at the time. Cimon, son of Miltiades (470 B. C.), following up the victories of Salamis and Mycale, " sailed with a considerable fleet towards Caria, where he immediately induced the maritime cities of Greek origin to revolt from the king, and as many as were bilingual and had Persian garrisons he attacked and besieged; and having associated the Carian * Τῶν δὲ νῦν Λυκίων φαμένων Ξανθίων ειναι—i. 176. |