bebeader. St. Patrick himself fcarce performed a greater feat, when, after his decollation (as we lately took occafion to note), he swam across the Liffy with his head in his teeth.

As an Anfaver to the "Short Review," this pamphlet is not dif tinguished by any remarkable keennefs of investigation, ftrength of argument, or brilliancy of wit. It treats that Review as a Court Pamphlet; but our Author thinks it fo abounds with contradictions, and inconfiftencies, that those whom the Reviewer wifhed moft to ferve, or to please, have little to thank him for.

Art. 23. The People's Anfwer to the Court Pamphlet, entitled, A fhort Review of the Political State of Great Britain. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Debrett.

By The People's Anfwer,' we are to understand that this is the production of an individual, containing the fenfe of many who still think for themselves,' uninfluenced by the Almanac Royal, or Court Calendar for the new year.' The Author charges the Reviewer with duplicity, under the mask of candour; he attacks him, article by article, in every divifion of his pamphlet, and we have really been entertained with the vivacity of his remarks. We were particularly pleased with the juftice of the reprehenfion which he bestows on the author of the court pamphlet' for his uncandid treatment of the P― of W—, on whom he has fo freely lavished his ftrictures, without noticing, as in all fair dealing he ought to have done, the noble step, taken by the P, in the voluntary appropriation of half his income (the writer fays more than half) to the gradual payment of his debts. Our Author takes a cursory view of the conduct of his R. H. particularly with refpect to the misunderstanding said to have unhappily fubfifted, for fome time paft, between the fovereign and the heir apparent; and he enters with fpirit into an apo logy for the P-, but not in terms disrespectful to the K-. For the reft, we refer to the pamphlet.

Art. 24. A Letter to the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Efq. occafioned by his Speech in the House of Commons, Feb. 5, 1787. 8vo. Is. Bell.

We cannot but deem this a very unfair attack on Mr. Burke. If gentlemen are to be abused without doors, for what, perhaps with out premeditation, they have uttered in delivering their fentiments within, the freedom, and even safety, of fenatorial debate, is ftruck at; and the confequence may be of great prejudice to the commu nity. Had Mr. B. published his fpeech, this minifterial champion might, then, with propriety, have taken the field against him; but as the cafe ftands, we think the letter-writer highly reprehenfible; efpecially as his mode of affault is fo illiberal, that it naturally re minded us of the following paffage in one of Robin Hood's ballads: "The shepherd, with his crook, gave Little John

A sturdy bang under the chin;

Befhrew thy heart, faid Little John,

Thou bafely doft begin!"

The author of the preceding Reply, likewife, very properly, paffes a stricture on this omiffion.

REV. Feb. 1787.

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Art. 25. A candid Enquiry into the Cafe of the Prince of Wales; thewing that a very confiderable Sum is due to his Royal Highnefs, more than the Amount of his Debts. 8vo. 1s. Bell. 1786. The Author of this pamphlet afferts, that the principality of Wales and the Duchy of Cornwall, are eftates held of the nation, independent of the crown; and that the Prince is intitled to receive the revenues thence arifing, from the time of his birth. He fays the principality of Wales renders annually 24,000l. and the Duchy of Cornwall 10,000l. Thefe fums have remained unaccounted for; and in the space of 24 years, amount to 816,000l, of which the Prince has only received 74,000l. per ann. for three years. A balance of 594,000l. is therefore, according to this account, due to the Prince, which is almost three times the whole of his debts.-This needs no

comment.

COMMERCIAL TREATY with FRANCE. Art. 26. A complete Invefligation of Mr. Eden's Treaty, as it may affect the Commerce, the Revenue, or the general Policy of Great Britain. 8vo. 3s. Debrett. 1787.

This investigation of the commercial treaty with France is well written, but is fo conducted as to brand every article of it with abfurdity, and to fhew that it teems with deftruction to every political and commercial intereft of this devoted country! It proves beyond all power of contradiction, because upon the bafis of actual hiftory, and the authority of official documents, the conftant alternation of fuccefs or ruin to our commerce, as the trade with France was shut or open. Till a better criterion can be inftituted for determining upon the probability of the future, than a reference to the past, it will not be denied that fome ufe is to be derived from fuch a review as that which has just been taken.

Commerce is, however, fo dependent on fluctuating circumstances, which alter the relative fituation of countries, that we ought not invariably to be governed in our future proceedings by past experience: for without prefuming to take one fide of the question fo ftrenuously as this writer urges the other, it may fafely be advanced, that if the advantages granted to France in her wines, brandies, and oils, are in their nature-expofed to no inftability either of caprice or competition; they are the native produce of their land, they demand no fill in preparing, and it is not therefore within the reach of accident to deprive her of them :-and if our acquired excellence in manufactures, furnish us now with ample equivalents to exchange for thefe productions; a trade that might posibly have been difadvantageous at the close of the last century, may nevertheless become clearly expedient at the clofe of this.”

We are as little fatisfied with another inference drawn by the Author from our conduct in times paft. The French,' fays he, have fought, for a century, with the exertion of every active and infidious policy, to accomplish this brotherly reciprocity of connection and friendship. The year 1787 will be the first period of their enjoyment of it. Have they been urging this for fo long a space of time, and we declining it, with a mutual ignorance on both parties, they of their own good, and we of our own danger? The fact is, nations feldom err long in points that respect their own immediate advan

tage.

tage. Cafual prejudice, or occafional incapacity in their rulers, may mislead them for a time; but the regular influence of underftanding and intereft will prevail at laft, That which has been anxiously defired by one power, and as vehemently refufed by the other, through a variety of changes of government and of circumftances, which has been fteadily purfued by every defcription of minifters in the one country, however repugnant in their general politics; and as uniformly refifted by every fucceffion of difagreeing politicians in the other; is evidently to the advantage of the power which feeks, and to the injury of that which rejects. The uniform prevalence of fuch a fentiment, is the demonftration of experience, delivered through the medium of the united fenfe of both empires; and if any thing can decide upon the direction of their respective interests, this muft.'

In this paffage we have a ftrong fanation given to national prejudices; and when they have taken root for ages, they do not readily give way to principles that tend to eradicate them: the Author has, however, unguardedly complimented the difpofition of our neighbours at the expence of his own countrymen, and justified any hoftile conduct we may have provoked; the alternative being quite natural-If you will not meet our friendship, we must meet your enmity!

On thefe principles, the English and the Scots were pursuing their common intereft while they were at war with each other, during fucceffive centuries; for nations feldom err long in points that refpect their own immediate advantage!' In truth the measure of uniting both thefe nations in a brotherly reciprocity of connection and friendship,' was, during the negociation, reprobated by hot-headed zealots on both fides: but party cavils, however obftinate, wear out in time, and the Union is now well understood, and generally applauded.

This writer's commercial ftatements correfpond with his hoftile doctrine, and all tend to hold up the treaty in fo ridiculous a point of view, that for the credit of our negociators, as well as the importance of the meafure, we hefitate where he is most confident. More temper is neceffary to convince us that truth alone is the object of the inveftigation. N. Art. 27. Hiflorical and political Remarks on the Tariff of the Commercial Treaty with preliminary Obfervations. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Cadell. 1787.

This production affords us a clear and elaborate difcuffion of the fubject, unclouded with thofe alarming predictions of national ruin, held out to us by the preceding writer, and equally clear of the gloffes of panegyric on the propofed measure. The present treaty, which is generally derived from that of Utrecht, is here traced up to one concluded with France by Oliver Cromwel, in 1655; and that again from the commercial part of the treaty of Munster, the acknowledged parent of the most effential branches of all our fubfequent negociations. The intelligent writer complains of the defultory, embarraffed, and obfcure ftyle of public treaties, from negociators being content to copy the forms and phrafes of their predeceffors; which, however well adapted in their original application, often lofe their effect when employed in a different age, and applied to states differing in character and habits. To facilitate, therefore, M 2 the

the confideration of the prefent treaty, he has given it a more methodical form, that his remarks may appear with the advantage of arrangement.

To a review of the good policy and happy operation of our famous Navigation Act, is fubjoined a fhort history of the negociations at Utrecht for a commercial treaty with France, and the contests to which that effort gave rife. From a comparison of the cotemporary statements of our commerce, at different æras, fome deploring the decay of our trade, and others exulting in its profperity, we may perceive, that what are offered to us as stubborn facts, are fometimes of a very flexible nature: yet, as our Author remarks, we are now convinced, that the fair fide of the picture was drawn by the correct hand of experience, while the oppofite was no more than the hafty refult of defponding theory; and, he might have added, the interested mifreprefentations of party.

The fuccefsful cultivation of our commerce muft fpring from ade. quate caufes, and an intelligent obferver will not be reduced to pronounce them occult qualities. To what we must afcribe this vital ftrength, which neither war or faction, or the fpirit of luxury, has been able to fubdue, will be obvious on a little reflection. That the fupport was never tranfatlantic, as fome have idly imagined, our prefent commercial fituation fufficiently demonftrates. May we not rather, with an acute politician of the prefent day, attribute this, phænomenon of an almoft uniform fuperiority of our commerce to fomething like the following principles? The fuppreffion of various monopolies and companies of trade at home, and the undermining of their exclufive privileges, or, what is the fame thing, the eluding of their bad effects by means of legal decifions in our courts of law: The nurfing up of new trades, and new branches of commerce, by means of bounties and national premiums: The giving of drawbacks on the exportation of fuch goods as were to have paid a duty if confumed at home: The repeal of taxes on raw materials, and on exported manufactures of our country: The improvement of engines,. and new discoveries for the abridgment of labour: The rapid communication by means of roads, canals, and pofts: The happy difcoveries in agriculture, and the mechanic arts, the fruits of that patriotic liberality which has been of late fo eminently exerted among us in public inftitutions, and focieties for the encouragement of induftry and useful fkill; and the natural refult of all this national fpirit, the employment of larger capitals in hufbandry and manu-. factures, and in the importation and exportation of goods; all thefe circumstances co-operating, would render any country rich and flourifhing, whether it had colonies or not.

No wonder then that the fceptre of commerce continues firm in the hands of a nation where perfonal rights are facred, and where every fpecies of property finds protection and fecurity in the freedom of civil government and the equal administration of law.'

We may then reasonably hope for a continuance of our fuccefs until like caufes operate with equal vigour in fome other country; and until adverfe circumstances have fo far thrown us back as to admit any rival in the political race to start with us on equal terms.

The competition between high and low wages, though often debated, is often reiterated as a juft caufe of apprehenfion; thofe unbiaffed readers, who are moft competent to the fubjet, will judge of the validity of our Author's reafoning on this head:

There is scarcely any point in political economy which has been so variously difcuffed, as the effect of the price of labour on commercial competition. It should be obferved, that the question of high and low wages is not to be determined merely by the pay of the workmen, but by the proportion which fuch wages bear to the prices of all other articles, either native or foreign, and by comparing the manufactured product alfo of different countries, with a view to discover at what average price the fame goods can be equally well made in each. By fuch a mode of inquiry it will in general be found, that labour in a country of low wages is comparatively dearer, than where wages are high, and that confequently in moft cafes the rich country will be able to underfell the poor one, because its goods will more than compenfate by their quality for any excefs of price. It cannot be doubted, that as "the liberal reward of labour is the neceffary effect, fo is it the natural fymptom of increafing wealth;" for when the productive powers of labour and ingenuity are thus excited, induftry muft in all its departments become more refined, as well as more dextrous and active in its exertions. In a manufactory where the different proceffes are diftributed to different workmen, each will in his diftinct branch be more expert than if he were under the neceffity of undertaking many different branches at once in order to gain fubfiftence. Such dexterity begets competition, and this neceffarily reduces the price; "whereas in the country of low wages, it is in the power of one wealthy man, to monopolize the trade, and to fet what price he chufes on his goods." That the low price of labour will not command a market, may be shewn by the following inftances: When the iron of Sweden arrives in England, it has paid duties of export, import, and the expence of freight; to this must be added the cofts of carriage to and from the places of manufacture, the price of the labour there beftowed upon it, and the duty to which it is liable on its return home under this new form; yet with all this accumulated charge upon it, we are able to underfell the Swedes themselves in their own market; and every attempt on their part at competition has proved hitherto ineffectual. It is exactly the fame cafe with the Bay yarn of Ireland, which, notwithstanding all the charges of importation, conveyance, and manufacture, is worked up here, and returned cheaper to the Irish market, than if it had been manufactured at home. It is not, as fome have lately afferted, the higher price of our labour which has given the French an advantage over us in the Levant and Portugal trades, but rather the indifference of our manufacturers, and their unwillingness to accommodate their fabrics to the tafte of thofe markets, in which, by reason of the climate, cheap cloths of a flight texture will ever be preferred to fuch as are more durable. After all, it may be doubted whether it would be worth while for our clothiers to attempt the recovery of this trade, at the rifk of facrificing a better; for every loom employed in the weaving of druggets, muft occupy materials and labour which might be more profitably applied in the working of

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