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laughter, the iffue of the war gave him little uneafinefs. It fell. more heavily on D'ALEMBERT, and expofed him, even at home, to much contradiction and oppofition.

It was on this occafion that the (late) King of Pruffia offered him an honourable afylum at his court, and the place of prefident of his Academy; and was not offended at his refufal of thefe diftinctions, but cultivated an intimate friendship with him during the reft of his life. He had refufed, fome time before this, a propofal made by the Emprefs of Ruffia, to entrust him with the education of the Grand Duke ;-a propofal accompanied with all the flattering offers that could tempt a man, ambitious of titles, or defirous of making an ample fortune: but the objects of his ambition were tranquillity and ftudy.

In the year 1765, he published his Differtation on the Deftruction of the Jefuits. This piece drew upon him a fwarm of adverfaries, who confirmed the merit and credit of his work by their manner of attacking it.

Befide the works of this eminent man already mentioned, he publifhed nine volumes of memoirs and treatifes, under the title of Opufcules; in which he has folved a multitude of problems relative to aftronomy, mathematics, and natural philofophy; of which our Panegyrilt gives a particular account, more especially of those which exhibit new fubjects, or new methods of inveftigation.

He publifhed alfo Elements of Mufic, and rendered, at length, the fyftem of Rameau intelligible; but he did not think the mathematical theory of the fonorous body fufficient to account for the rules of that art. He was always fond of mufic; which, on the one hand, is connected with the most fubtle and learned refearches of rational mechanics; while, on the other, its power over the fenfes, and the foul, exhibits, to philofophers, phenomena no lefs fingular, and ftill more inexplicable.

In the year 1772, he was chofen fecretary to the French Academy. He formed, foon after this preferment, the defign of. writing the lives of all the deceased Academicians, from 1700 to. 1772; and, in the space of three years, he executed this design, by compofing feventy eulogies.

M. D'ALEMBERT died on the 29th of October 1783. There were many amiable lines of candour, modefty, difintereftedness, and beneficence in his moral character; which are here described with a diffufive detail, whofe length and uniformity (as thefe lines exhibit nothing very ftriking or extraordinary) make their impreffion more faint than it would have been, if the description had been reduced within a narrower compafs., M. CONDORCET concludes this moral portrait in the following manner:

"M. D'ALEMEERT pafled the last days of his life in a numerous company, liftening to their converfation, and animating

it frequently by witty jokes and pleafant ftories. He was the only perfon of the company who remained calm, and could occupy his mind about other objects than himself; the only one' who had ftrength of mind fufficient to give himself up to merriment and frivolous amufements."-(This is fomething like DAVID and CHARON). M

[The MEMOIRS will be reviewed in another Article]

MONTHLY

CATALOGUE,

For MARCH, 1787.

UNION with IRELAND.

Art. 13. An Union of England and Ireland proved to be practicable and equally beneficial to each Kingdom. With fupplementary Obfervations relative to the Abfentees of Ireland, pointing out the conflitutional Means of removing Complaints, arifing from that and other Caufes of Difcontent. To which is added, a Reply to the Dean of Gloucester's Advice to the Irish, to trade with Foreign in preference to the British Colonies. By John Williams, Efq. late of Merton College, Oxon. 8vo. 1s. 6d. Kearsley. 1787.

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HIS Writer is ftrenuous in favour of an union between Britain and Ireland, as a general propofition, without feeming to be aware of objections urged to its practicability; and he is equally zealous in diffuading the Irish from any efforts toward independence.

When a man evidently intends well, it is difagreeable to check his ardour, by telling him he had better leave the publication of fentiments to thofe who poffefs more addrefs in digefting and expreffing them. Every honeft well-meaning man is an honour to his country, and cannot fail of doing public fervice by inculcating good principles in his private capacity; but before a fpeculator ventures to publish his thoughts, he ought to be well affured of having fomething to communicate fufficiently important to challenge public attention. When two acquaintances meet in the rain, it is very natural for one of them to tell the other that it is a wet day; a fimple affent to fo evident a position is given, without ftopping to controvert it, and fo the matter ends. But it is far otherwife when a man is charged eighteen pence, and required to read fifty pages, to be informed of matters that he knew before.

N. Art. 14. Confiderations on the Political and Commercial Circumftances of Great Britain and Ireland, as they are connected with each other; and on the most probable Means of effecting a Settlement between them; tending to promote the Interefts of both. 8vo. 2s. Debrett. 1787.

This Writer enters largely into thofe obftacles that render a legiflative union with Ireland impracticable, and fhews the advantages of a commercial union on fuch terms of liberal equality as, confidering the two islands as one extended country, may produce from every part of it the most that its foil or fituation is capable of affording.

This can only be accomplished by a reciprocal interchange of com modities, which are either the natural growth of the feveral diftries, or the artificial productions of industry, brought nearly to perfection there any thing that tends to reftrain this freedom of exchange, fo far as it operates, counteracts the defign of promoting the general cultivation of local advantages.' He confirms this doctrine by a fimple illuftration. If every yard of cloth manufactured in Yorkfhire, fhould be taxed a fhilling as foon as it entered Lancashire, it would produce a double effect prejudicial to both countries; it would diminish the demand for cloth in Lancashire, and therefore narrow the Yorkshire market, and fo far as the remaining confumption of cloth in Lancashire became neceffary to fubfiftence, it would lay a charge upon every work carried on in that county.'

But the fond idea of equality and independence, withstands a conformity with our navigation-act, and a contribution of revenue, until fome expedient can be invented, to fecure thofe indifpenfable objects and at the fame time cheat the devil; which we never fcruple when we have a good end in view, to cover a fraud upon one whofe part is taken by nobody. Our Author, under the influence of a liberal policy,' would leave thefe grand points open to the difcretion of the Irish legiflature; in full confidence that their wisdom and generofity wonld operate with all the force of obligation. We honestly confefs, we never faw caufe to justify any reliance on political generofity, and leaft of all, to expect it from fluctuating bodies of men; if, therefore, any hazards are to be incurred, we are cordially difpofed to leave them to the fhare of the perfonage before mentioned.

N.

COMMERCIAL TREATY with FRANCE. Art. 15. Obfervations on the Agricultural and Political Tendency of the Commercial Treaty. 8vo. 1s. Debrett.

The fubject of this treaty is faid to prefent itself in a threefold point of view, its commercial, agricultural, and political tendency. This Author directs his attention to the two latter confiderations; premifing, That if the treaty with France breaks in upon any approved principle of national policy, however great may be its commercial advantages, it ought not to be adopted. That it has fuch a tendency is all that its opponents have to demonftrate, while those who defend it, muft, to entitle it to the public fupport, fhew that it is conducive to the interefts of commerce, without probable injury to our agriculture, and without violating any important principle of policy.' He foon after extends his condemnation of the treaty to all the three points without exception.

The refult of his political examination is, that from the earliest ages there has fubfifted on the part of France toward this country and its liberties, a difpofition neither to be fubdued by force, nor conciliated by kindness: and, that the empire ftill exifts, we owe to the defeated projects of her boundless ambition, by a tenacious adherence to the found maxims of our ancestors.' Thefe maxims then dictating a perpetual deadly feud, when was it that we vainly tried those conciliatory acts of kindnefs he reproaches the French with fpurning Our ancestors never tried them, by his own ftatement;

and under a perfuafion of the foundness of their maxims, our Author argues that they never ought to be tried: delenda eft Carthago; but has he foreknowledge or confidence fufficient to point out Carthage?

When he argues upon the fuppofition, that under this treaty it is agreed, that henceforth France fhall be at liberty to export British, manufactures upon the fame terms with Britain herfelf;' and that America will be fupplied through this medium, rather than by a dire& intercourfe: it is imagined we need not enter farther into his commercial reasoning against the measure. In brief, France is to become the general carrier of British manufactures; our arable land is to be converted to pafture for the raifing of wool; our ploughmen and failors are to dwindle into manufacturers; our navigation-act, according to the fashionable parliamentary phrafe, is done away ; and the greatness of Britain is no more!

N. Art. 16. An Appeal to the Landed Intereft of Great Britain, on the Operation of the Commercial Treaty with France. By a Country Gentleman. 8vo. Is. 6d. Debrett.

Under the character affumed by the prefent Writer, he declares, that however liberal the principle may be, that fuggefsts an union of interests between manufacturers and land-owners, it is an uncontrovertible fact that nature has fet an infuperable bound to fuch a connection. For while commerce can flourish but by throwing the taxes on the landed intereft, it is impofing too fevere a task on human frailty to expect that he will willingly fubmit to a fair participation of the public burdens.'

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It paffes current indeed in common difcourfe, that all taxes fall ultimately on land. But we do not understand how the landlord, or raifer of a raw material, is injured by a duty paid after it has affumed a new form under the creative hand of the artifan. Manufacture is neceffary to make it marketable, and provided the tax is not fo heavy as to defeat its purpose by reducing confumption, it is ultimately defrayed by the confumer, with a profit to the dealer for the advance. Our Author complains, that befide what land-owners contribute jointly with their fellow fubjects [as confumers], they labour under oppreffions fpecifically their own, arifing nearly to the enormous amount of half the national revenue.' If then we accept his own calculation, and with him confider the body of the people as compofed of two claffes, land-owners and manufacturers, it appears that, at least, the latter fubmit to a fair participation of the public burden and farther, that they raise it by the mere force of perfonal induftry, and not as the indolent claimants of incomes growing from hereditary property. When our Author afferts that the first principle of commerce is monopoly *; it may be hinted, that there are not wanting philofophical politicians, who contend that the monopoly mott injurious to the interefts of the community, is that of land. Leaving fuch points however to be adjusted between the country gentleman and the manufacturer, the tendency of this appeal is to fhew, that the commercial treaty will be the deftruction of the British corn diftillery; and that the Hovering-act is defeated by a general invitation to the French cutters, luggers, and all those

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REV. March 1787.

Pamphlet, p. 13.

other

other vessels, which if English, would be immediately confifcated, to come and exercise their trade on the English coaft, without a fear of moleftation.'

For his own eafe, the Author adopts feveral statements made by other opponents to this measure, to fhew that it will operate materially to injure the revenue. He adds, It has been urged, that this deficiency will be made good by the increase of customs on French goods; but let it be recollected, that this increafe of customs on French goods can only be obtained by a proportionable decrease of excifes on our own.' It should alfo be recollected, that unless we are fupplied with French goods on the terms fuggested by another writer on the fame fide of the queftion*, we must give English goods in exchange for them; and money accruing from an extended foreign trade, will on all hands be allowed to be at least as acceptable as if raised by excifes on internal confumption.

On the whole, the writer deems the permanent interefts of proprietors of land facrificed to immediate commercial views, by this new-fangled treaty, this ill-begotten, undigested mass of abfurdity and contradictions.'

N.

Art. 17. Sentiments on the Interests of Great Britain. With Thoughts on the Politics of France, and on the Acceffion of the Elector of Hanover to the German League. 8vo. 2s. Robfon, &c.

In pointing out what he deems the true interefts of Britain, this Writer is, by his own account, only amusing himself in vain efforts to twift a rope of fand: for to what end do we oppofe the aggrandifement of the house of Bourbon, if all the fceptres in Europe are inevitably doomed to fall into their hands? Under fuch a fatality, there is nothing left for us but despair.

Such indeed, he declares, muft ultimately be the confequence of their pretended falique law. This is a truth as clear and demonftrable as any propofition in Euclid. For in the first place, this law effectually prevents any foreign prince becoming intitled to their crown, though they never fail of availing themfelves of the laws of other nations refpecting defcents; confequently their alliances with foreign powers muft, one time or other (however diftant it may be), make the boufe of Bourbon heirs to all the crowns in Europe. We have ftrong proofs of this in their having already acquired the kingdoms of Spain and Naples, the duchies of Parma and Burgundy, &c. &c. There are but three different modes by which this growing political evil can be put a stop to; the first is (by a joint confederacy of all the powers in Europe) to oblige them to repeal the falic law; the fecond to establish it in all their kingdoms; and the third, for all the other royal houfes in Europe to refufe forming any matrimonial alliances with that of Bourbon. The laft would evidently be the leaft effectual, in confequence of the number of alliances already formed.'

But where once a general confederacy of all the other powers in Europe is formed on this grand occafion, they will have no reason to ftop at the least effectual measure to relieve themfelves; while more

See Rev. Jan, p. 170, la par.

effectual

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