becomes 'Germany.' presides at Shaxton, Skip, Rogers, Thixtill, Lambert, Mallory, Taverner, many others became notorious in the university, and those who frequented CHAP. VI. them were reported to be mainly occupied with Luther's writings, the inn became known as Germany,' while its The inn frequenters were called the 'Germans.' With these increased known as facilities the little company increased rapidly in numbers. Their gatherings were held nominally under the presidency Barnes of Barnes, whose position enabled him to defy the academic the meetings. censures, but there can be no doubt that Bilney's diminu- Crome, tive form was the really central figure. Around him were Forman, gathered not a few already distinguished in the university Heynes, and destined to wider fame. From Gonville Hall came not Frith, only Shaxton, but also Crome the president of that society, Water, and and John Skip, who subsequently succeeded, like Shaxton, to attend the the office of master,-a warm friend, in after life, of the Reformers, and at one time chaplain to Anne Boleyn. Undergraduates and bachelors stole in, in the company of masters of arts. Among them John Rogers (the protomartyr of queen Mary's reign) from Pembroke, with John Thixtill of the same college,—the latter already university preacher, and one whose ipse dixit was regarded as a final authority in the divinity schools. Queens' College-perhaps, as Strype suggests, not disinclined to cherish the traditions of the great scholar who had once there found a home,-sent Forman its president and with him Bilney's ill-fated convert, John Lambert; and not improbably Heynes, also afterwards president of the college and one of the compilers of the first English liturgy. John Mallory came in from Christ's; John Frith from King's; Taverner, a lad just entered at Corpus, and Matthew Parker, just admitted to his bachelor's degree, came perhaps under the escort of William Warner, 'up' from his Norfolk living. Such were the men who, together with those already mentioned as Bilney's followers, and many more whose names have passed away, made up the earlier gatherings in Germany.' their pro In the old-fashioned inn, as at the meetings of the primi- Character of tive Christians, were heard again,-freed from the sophistries ceedings, and misconstructions of medieval theology,-the glowing utterances of the great apostle of the Gentiles. There also, CHAP. VI. for the first time, the noble thoughts of Luther sank deeply into many a heart; while his doctrines, if not invariably accepted', were tested by honest and devout enquiry and by the sole standard of Scriptural truth. To men who had known many a weary vigil over the fanciful and arid subtleties of Aquinas or Nicholas de Lyra, this grand but simple teaching came home with power. Turning from a too absorbing study of tessellated pavement, elaborate ornament, and cunning tracery, their eyes drank in, for the first time, the sublime proportions of the whole. The wranglings of the theologians and the clamour of the schools died away and were forgotten in the rapture of a more perfect knowledge. 'So oft,' said one of the youngest of the number, as in after years he looked back upon those gatherings, 'so oft as I was in the company of these brethren, methought I was quietly placed in the new glorious Jerusalem'.' The Cambridge Reformers not all young men. It was a favorite mode of expressing contempt among those who disliked the movement at the time, and one which has been adopted by some modern writers, to speak of those who thus met, and of the Cambridge Reformers generally, as 'young men ;' but the ages of Barnes, Coverdale, Arthur, Crome, Latimer, and Tyndale, are sufficient to shew that the reproach thus implied of rashness and immaturity of judgement was far from being altogether applicable. And on the other hand it is to be remembered that it is not often among men in middle life, in whom the enthusiasm of youth has subsided, whose opinions are fully formed, and round whom social ties have multiplied, that designs like those of these Cambridge students are conceived and carried out. That plead in their those designs were not adopted until after long and earnest nexion with counsel and thought will scarcely be denied; and if in the final ordeal some lacked the martyr's heroism, it is also to be remembered, that as yet the sentiments which most powerfully sustained the resolution of subsequent Reformers were partly wanting, and that religious conviction was not as yet rein Circumstances that behalf in con their sub sequent career. 1 Barnes (see infra, p. 580) appears, at least while at Cambridge, not to give his assent to Luther's doctrinal theology, and this was certainly the case with others, as for instance forced by the political feeling with which the Reformation CHAP. VI. afterwards became associated, when the Protestant represented a widespread organisation actuated by a common. policy, which it was regarded as treachery to desert. clines to commission It was not long before intelligence of the meetings at the Their meetings reported White Horse and of the circulation of Luther's works in the in London. university, reached the ears of the ecclesiastical authorities in London, and some of the bishops are said to have urged the appointment of a special commission of enquiry, but the proposal was negatived by Wolsey in his capacity of legate'. Wolsey deWherever indeed the cardinal's personal feelings and in- appoint a terests were not involved, it must be acknowledged that his of enquiry. acts were generally those of an able, tolerant, and sagacious minister. It is probable moreover that in the designs which he had already conceived in connexion with the property of the monasteries, he foresaw the opposition and unpopularity which he should have to encounter from those whose interests would be thereby most closely affected; he would therefore naturally be desirous of enlisting on his side the goodwill of the opposite party, and at Cambridge the sympathies of that party with the new doctrines were too obvious to be ignored. Unfortunately it was not long before he was compelled to adopt a different policy; and the indiscretion of the leader of the Reformers at Cambridge soon gave their enemies the opportunity they sought. sernion, Eve, A.D. On the eve of Christmas-Day, 1525, Barnes was preaching Barnes' in St. Edward's Church. We shall hereafter be better able Christmas to explain how it was that he was preaching there instead 1525. of in the church of his own convent. His text, taken from the Epistle of the day, was one which might well have 1 'When reports were brought to court of a company that were in Cambridge...that read and propagated Luther's books and opinions, some bishops moved in the year 1523, that there might be a visitation appointed to go to Cambridge, for try. ing who were the fautors of heresy there. But he, as legate, did inhibit it (upon what grounds, I cannot imagine), which was brought against him afterwards in parliament (art. 43 of his impeachment).' Burnet-Po 2 It will be observed that by preaching in a parish church Barnes brought himself under the chancellor's jurisdiction. 3 Phil. Iv 4: 'Rejoice in the Lord alway: and again I say, Rejoice. Let your moderation be known unto all men.' Foxe adds that he 'postilled the whole Epistle, following the Scripture and Luther's Postil.' (Foxe CHAP. VI. caused him to reflect before he indulged in acrimony and satire. But controversial feeling was then running high in the university; and among his audience the prior recognised some who were not only hostile to the cause with which he had identified his name, but also bitter personal enemies. As he proceeded in his discourse, his temper rose; he launched into a series of bitter invectives against the whole of the priestly order; he attacked the bishops with peculiar severity; nor did he bring his sermon to a conclusion before he had indulged in sarcastic and singularly impolitic allusions to the pillars and poleaxes' of Wolsey himself1. Articles lodged with the vice chancellor. We can hardly doubt that these censures and allusions against him constituted the real gravamen of his offence; but the passages noted by his hostile hearers served to furnish a list of no less than five-and-twenty articles against him. Among these he was accused of denouncing the usual enjoined observance of holy days and of denying that such days were of a more sacred character than others,—of affirming that men dared not preach the 'very Gospel,' for fear of being decried as heretics,-of objecting to the magnitude of the episcopal dioceses, and generally attacking the pride, pomp, and avarice of the clergy,—the baculus pastoralis, the orator was reported to have said, 'was more like to knocke swine and wolves in the heed with, than to take shepe;' 'Wilt thou know what their benediction is worth ?-they had rather give ten benedictions than one halfpenny.' Barnes is confronted with his accusers before the vice-chan cellor in the schools. Early in the ensuing week Barnes learned that articles of information had been lodged against him with the vicechancellor, and at once proposed that he should be allowed to explain and justify himself in the same pulpit on the Cattley, v 415); another of those See Cavendish, Life of Wolsey 'After theym folowe two laye men And eache of theym holdynge a In their hondes steade of a mace. Then foloweth my lorde on his mule Trapped with golde under her In every poynt most curiously. worne, Pretendynge some hid mistery.' 2 Cooper, Annals, 1 313-5. following Sunday. Unfortunately the vice-chancellor for that CHAP. VI year, Natares, master of Clare, was avowedly hostile to the Reformers; Foxe indeed does not hesitate to style him, 'a rank enemy of Christ.' He responded accordingly to Barnes' proposition by inhibiting him from preaching altogether, and summoning him to answer the allegations contained in the foregoing articles. The matter was heard in the common schools; and according to Barnes' own account, the doors were closed against all comers, and he was left to contend single-handed with Natares, Ridley (the uncle of the Reformer), Watson, the master of Christ's, a Dr. Preston, and a doctor of law, whose name, at the time that he composed his narrative, he had forgotten'. The articles having been read over, the prior gave in a general denial of the respective allegations; he admitted having used some of the phrases or expressions that they contained, but even these, he said, had been most unfairly garbled. Would he submit himself?' was the peremptory demand of the vice-chancellor; to which he replied, that if he had said aught contrary to the Word of God, or to the exposition of St. Augustine, St. Jerome, or of the four holy doctors,' he would be content to recall it. 'Or to the laws of the Church,' added Ridley and Preston; but to this he demurred, on the plea that as he was not a doctor of law he knew not what was included in that phrase. At this stage of the proceedings there came a loud thun- The proceeddering at the doors. It had become known throughout the rupted by a university that Barnes was undergoing the ordeal of an examination, and that his judges and accusers were denying him a public hearing; and the students, now hurrying en masse to the common schools, demanded admittance. The bedell endeavoured to pacify them, but in vain. Then Natares himself appeared at the entrance; but, though 'he gave them good and fair words,' his remonstrances were equally unsuccessful. "They said it appertained to learning, and they were the body of the university;' and finally the hearing of the matter was adjourned. ings inter demonstra tion on the part of the students. |