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theran in respect to

CHAP. VI. remains intact in our present Bibles, than that his spirit

animates the whole. He toiled faithfully himself, and where he failed he left to those who should come after the secret of success. The achievement was not for one but for many; but he fixed the type according to which the later labourers worked. His influence decided that our Bible should be popular and not literary, speaking in a simple dialect, and that so by its simplicity it should be endowed with permanence. He felt by a happy instinct the potential affinity between Hebrew and English idioms, and enriched our language and thought for ever with the characteristics of

the Semitic mind".' Tyndale Lu- But while Tyndale's independence of Luther as a trans

lator may be regarded as beyond question, it was far otherdoctrine.

wise in matter of doctrine; for in this respect, as his Prologues clearly shew, he completely submitted himself to the teaching of the great Reformer?. And hence, although the Cambridge Reformers undoubtedly derived their first inspiration from Erasmus, under the new influence their theology soon diverged from that of Rome to an extent which Erasmus had never anticipated, and on some points altogether discouraged that latitude of belief wbich he had sought to establish. Both the German and the English Reformer upheld in its most uncompromising form the

doctrine of predestination. They consequently treated formers con- Jerome and the Greek fathers with but little respect. sequently

Luther indeed stigmatised the former as a heretic, and declared that he ‘hated' him more than any of the wouldbe teachers of the Church. And these views, though not perhaps adopted by all the early Reformers', were certainly those that now prevailed at both universities.

The Cam

1 Hist. of the English Bible, pp. ein Ketzer gewesen...... Ich weiss 210-1.

keinen unter den Lehrern, dem ich 2 •Whose bokes be nothing els in so feind bin als Hieronymo.' Tischeffect, but the worst heresies picked reden, Walch, xxII 2070. out of Luther's workes, and Luther's * The testimony of George Joye, worst wordes translated by Tyndall fellow of Peterhouse, seems to point and put forth in Tyndal's own name.' to contrary tendencies. In his nar. More, English Works, p. 228.

rative of his interview with Gas3. •Hieronymus soll nicht unter die coigne, Wolsey's treasurer, he says: Lehrer der Kirchen mit gerechnet -- I came to Mr. Gascoing, whyche noch gezehlet werden, denn er ist I perceyued by his wordes fauored

desert the theology taught by Erasmus.

Among the first to sound the note of alarm, as the report CHAP. VI. of Tyndale's New Testament began to spread abroad, was Edward Lee, Edward Lee, at that time king's almoner and afterwards Fohkpot archbishop of York. A fit representative of the bigotry of Oxford, he had already distinguished himself by a dishonest and despicable attack on Erasmus's Novum Testamentum, and had nearly quarrelled with Fisher on account of that prelate's friendship for Erasmus himself?. Having heard while on the continent that Tyndale's work was on its way to England, Lee forth with wrote to king Henry to apprise him of the fact. “I need not,' he said, 'to advertise your grace Lee sounds what infection and danger may ensue hereby if it be not the appearwithstanded. This is the new way to fulfil your realm with Tyndale's Lutherans...... All our forefathers, governors of the Church nent. of England, have with all diligence forbid and eschewed publication of English Bibles, as appeareth in constitutions provincial of the Church of England. Spalatin, in Germany, all absorbed as his thoughts might well have been with the progress of events in his own country, noted down in his diary under 'Sunday after St. Laurence's Day, 1526,' that the English, in ‘spite of the active opposition of the king, were Demand for so eager for the Gospel as to affirm that they would buy a England. New Testament even if they had to give a hundred thousand pieces of money for it. The alarm excited by the publication of the volume was not diminished on an examination of its pages. The circumstances that attended its appearance were indeed almost an exact repetition of those that marked that of Erasmus's Novum Instrumentum ; there was the abstract hostility to the undertaking as an innovation upon the current theological notions, and there was the direct hostility to the volume itself as the vehicle of much that was distasteful. It was soon recognised that another formidable blow had been dealt at the whole system of mediæval

d. 1544.

me not, and he rebuked me because 1 Cooper, Athence, 1 85; Lewis, Life
I studied Arigene [Origen] whyche of Fisher, il 201-2.
was an heretike, said he; and he ? Froude, Hist. of England, 11 31,
saide that I helde such opinions as note.
did Bilney and Arture.' Quoted by 3 Schelhorn, Amoenit. Lit. IV 431
Maitland, Essays on the Reformation, (quoted by Westcott, p. 42).

p. 9.


mon on the

CHAP. VI. doctrinal teaching. The Greek words which in the Latin Anti-Romish

of the Vulgate had been translated as equivalent to 'church, certain Greek 'priest,' charity,' 'grace,''confession,' 'penance,' had in Tyn

dale's version been rendered by the words 'congregation,''elder, Complaint of love,' 'favour,' knowledge,' repentance.' Ridley, the uncle Ridley.

of the Reformer, writing to Warham's chaplain, complained bitterly of the first of these substitutions. “As if,' he says, 'so many Turks or irrational animals were not a congregation, except he wishes them also to be a church. ‘Ye shall not need,' he adds, 'to accuse this translation. It is accused

and damned by the consent of the prelates and learned men'' The volume Wolsey advised Henry to condemn the volume to be burnt, Paul's Cross. and the royal mandate to that effect was forthwith issued.

Cuthbert Tunstal, who presided at the burning at Paul's Tunstal's ser- Cross, declared in his sermon on the occasion, that the occasion. version contained two thousand errors'; while More, at a

somewhat later period did not scruple to assert, that Tyndale's New Testament was the father of all the heresies by reason of his false translating' Such was the reception originally afforded by the ecclesiastic and the man of letters to the

i Westcott, Hist. of the English like the children of Vippara would Bible, p. 42, n. 2. So also More in now gnaw out their mother's bely, his Dialogue (bk. III c. 8), “Now dooe that the bare names of those bookes these names in our Englishe toungue wer almost inough to make a booke, neither expresse the thynges that be and of every sort of those bookes be ment by them, and also ther ap- some brought into this realme and peareth (the circumstances wel con. kepte in hucker mucker, by some sidered) that he had a mischievous shrewde maisters that kepe them for mindo in the chaunge.' English no good.-Besides the bokes of Latin, Works, p. 229.

French, and Dutch (in which there 2 Westcott, p. 43. Or, according are of these evill sectes an innume. to Roy, a yet larger number :

rable sorte), there are made in the 'He declared there in his furious- English tongue, first, Tindale's Newe

Testament, father of them al by That he fownde erroures more and reason of hys false translating. And les


after that, the fyve bookes of Above thre thousande in the trans. Moyses, translated by the same man, lacion.'

we nede not donbte in what maner, Rede me, eto. (ed. Arber), p. 46. when we know by what man and for More in his Dialogue says, “wrong what purpose.' Confutation of Tynand falsely translated above a thou- dale, English Works (1532), p. 341. sand textes by tale.' English Works, "For he had corrupted and purposely

chaunged in many places the text, 3 .Of these bookes of heresies ther with such wordes as he might make be so many made within these fewe it seme to the unlearned people, that yeres, what by Luther himself and the Scripture affirmed their heresies by his felowes, and afterwards by the it selfe.' Ibid. p. 310. new sectes sprongen out of his, which

p. 228.

volume which must be looked upon as essentially the same CHAP. VI. with that over which the foremost biblical scholars of our country are at the present time engaged in prolonged study and frequent consultation, and wbile aiming at the removal of whatever is obsolete in expression or inaccurate in scholarship, are none the less actuated by reverent regard for what is at once the noblest monument of the English language and the edifice round which the most cherished associations and the deepest feelings of the nation have for three centuries entwined. In the mean time the erection of Wolsey's college at Progress of

Cardinal ColOxford had been rapidly progressing. As the scheme of a lege. single foundation it was on a scale of unprecedented magni- Magnificence ficence, and when in the year 1527 the university took occasion to address a formal letter of thanks to the cardinal for his numerous favours, they did not fail to select the new college as the principal theme of congratulation and dwelt in exuberant diction on the 'varied splendour and marvellous symmetry' of the architecture, the 'sanctity of the ordinances,' the provisions for the celebration of divine service, the 'beauty and order' that pervaded the whole design'. It was certainly Motives that no insignificant compliment to Cambridge that Wolsey paid ed the selecin inviting some of her most promising young scholars to Cambridge transfer themselves as teachers and lecturers to the new foundation ; nor can we ask for more unequivocal testimony to the character and reputation of the younger members of the reform party than the fact that it was almost exclusively

1 Wilkins, Concilia, in 709. "The 186. And lastly, there was a revenue cardinal's plan in this benefaction settled for the entertainment of was large and noble, as appears by a strangers, the relief of the poor, and draught of the statutes sent to the the keeping of horses for college society under his hand and seal. By business. As to the building, it was this scheme, there was a dean and magnificent in the model, curious in sub-dean, threescore canons of the the workmanship, and rich in the first rank and forty of the second, materials; and if the cardinal had thirteen chaplains, twelve clerks, lived to execute the design, few. and sixteen choristers; to which we palaces of princes would have exmust add, lecturers or professors in ceeded it. Neither would the library divinity, canon law, civil law, physic, have been short of the nobleness of philosophy, logic, and humanity. the structure; for the cardinal in. There were likewise four censors of tended to have furnished it with the manners and examiners of the profi. learning and curiosities of the Vati. ciency of the students; there were can, and to have transcribed the also three treasurers, four stewards, pope's manuscripts for that purpose.' and twenty inferior servants,-in all, Collier-Lathbury, iv 57.

CHAP. VI. upon these that the choice fell. It is of course quite possible

that Shorton, who then filled the post of master of Pembroke College and to whom Wolsey mainly entrusted the matter', was well aware of what was going on on the other side of Trumpington Street within so short a distance of his own lodge,—and he may even have often noted Rogers and Thixtill stealing out from the college to join the conferences of the malcontents. But he may also not improbably have thought that for a number of young men whose heads were full of crude potions, and who were still in the first ardour of their attachment to a cause they had but just embraced, there could be nothing better than removal to a distant and busy scene of action, where their minds would be absorbed in active duties, and where, with the responsibility of instructing others devolving upon them, they might consider more dispassionately the opinions they had embraced. Nor is it impossible that Wolsey, whose acknowledged leniency towards the Reformers had not yet been exchanged for a

harsher policy, may have been a participant in this view The aid thus and have applauded Shorton's discretion". But however

this may have been, we certainly cannot assent to the represuperfluous. sentations of Antony Wood', who would have us believe that

learning at Oxford at this time was in so prosperous a state that the aid thus afforded by Cambridge to the sister university was altogether superfluous. The men who had most promoted the new studies some twenty or fifteen years before, had given place to another generation. Linacre, perhaps the

ablest scholar of them all, died in the same year that the Oct 20, 1624. Cambridge students were transferred to Cardinal College.

His will, dated October 12, 1524, gave ample proof that his attachment to the cause of science was still unabated“; and it is certainly not to be attributed to any defect in his design or in his liberality that the founder of the College of

learning at Oxford not

Death of

i Strype (Life of Cranmer, p. 3) mentions Dr. Capon, master of Jesus College, as also acting on Wolsey's behalf in the matter.

? According to Dr. London's state. ment to Warham (Froude, II 46),

some of the migrators to Oxford 'had a shrewd name,'i.e. for heresy.

3 Wood-Gutch, 11 25.

4 Brewer, Letters and Papers, iv 322; Johnson, Life of Linacre, p. 272.

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