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CHAP. J. expeditions widely differed however from those originally

contemplated by Urban II. Long residence in an enervating climate, under conditions of so extraordinary and novel a character, could scarcely prove favourable to the habits and morals of those engaged. Whatever benefits the Crusades conferred on Christendom were probably more than counterbalanced by results of a different nature. If invasion was repelled from Europe, and a bond of union created among the nations of Christendom in the place of internecine strife,if chivalry traces back its origin to the spirit then evoked,-it is equally certain that an inlet was afforded to many baneful influences. The attempted conversion of the Saracen not only proved fruitless, but, as a recent writer has observed, it seemed, at one time, much more likely that the converters would become converted. The Manicheistic tendencies which infected the Christianity of the fourth and fifth centuries reappeared; the belief in magic and the practice of the magician's arts became widely extended; the Communistie excesses of these times have been attributed, with no small probability, to the indirect influences of the Crusades. Everywhere might be discerned the workings of a genuine but ill-regulated enthusiasm. The austerities and doctrines of the rival sects of the Patarins, the Cathari, Bons Hommes, Josephins, Flagellants, Publicani, and Waldenses, were regarded by the orthodox with apprehension and dismay'.

Scarcely however had these secondary symptoms become manifest, when another movement lent new prestige to the Church and revived the hopes of the faithful. Long before St. Louis breathed his last on the coast of Africa, in that final expedition on behalf of the beleaguered Christian settlements

The Orders of St. Domi. nic ant si Francis d'Assisi.


'invented the Crusades as a new
way for the lnity to atone for their
sins and to merit salvation,' quoted
by Gibbon, c. 58.

See Professor Brewer's preface
to the Monumenta Franciscana, p.
xxxvii; also Mr Luard's Preface to
Roberti Grosseteste Epistola. Vr
Brewer regards the doctrines of the
Albigenses, which appear to have
boen a form of Mauicheism, and

those of the ‘Everlasting Gospel' as attributable to the same influences. The Crusades appear rather to have increased than diminished the number of those who took refuge in the monasteries. See Michaud, Hist. des Croisades, IV 255; also Milman, whose view of their collective and final effects is somewhat more favorable. Hist. Latin Christianity, Bk. VII c. 6.

in Syria, to which he had roused the flagging enthusiasm of CHAP. I. his countrymen, he had beheld with admiration the rise and rapid growth of those two great orders to whose untiring zeal the Church of Rome was so largely indebted in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Within less than ten years of each other, were founded the order of St. Dominic and the order of St. Francis of Assisi. The sagacious glance of Innocent III had distinguished between the genuine devotion that characterised the earlier spirit of these orders and the fanaticism of preceding sects; he had discerned the valuable aid thus presented to the Church; and it was nearly his last act to bestow upon the humble followers of St. Francis his sanction and benediction.

tion of these


The whole spirit in which the institution of these two The conceporders was conceived stood in startling contrast to the ideas orders essenthen associated with the religious life. For isolation from mankind there was now exemplified a spirit of evangelism worthy of the apostolic age; for princely edifices the renunciation of a settled habitation; for the allurements of pagan learning an all-absorbing devotion to theology; for luxury and self-indulgence the meanest fare and the coarsest raiment; wherever vice and misery had their abode, amid the squalor, poverty, and suffering of the most wretched quarters of the town, the Dominican and the Franciscan laboured on their Characteriserrand of mercy. The fiery eloquence of the former, whose Dominicans exemplar was St. Paul, drew around him numerous and Franciscans enthusiastic audiences; the latter, who professed to imitate rather the spirit of the 'beloved disciple,' won men by his devotion and the spell of a mystic theology'. The contrast

that of the


tics of the

and the


1The habits of the two orders, great as were their outward resemblances, were essentially and radically different. To organize and systematize was the taste and business of the one. To bring out the human, sentimental, individual aspects of theology and of humanity was the characteristic effort of the other. The Dominican was always verging upon the hardest intellectualism; but he was exempt from much of the superstition to which the Frau

ciscan yielded. He was liable to all
the diseases which assault men of
spiritual aspirations, to much of the
sensualism into which they fall,
through a desire of finding outward
images by which they may represent
their deeper intuitions; but he could
not be withheld by mere maxims and
formulas from tracing the windings
of a thought, or from following
nature into her hiding places. Both
were dangerous, each would have been
terrible without the other. Together


Rapid progress of the

cans in England.

CHAP. I. presented by both orders to the inactivity of the Benedictines necessarily appealed with singular force to the wants and sympathies of the poor amid the vicissitudes of that tempestuous century. The two orders extended themselves with new Orders. marvellous rapidity over Europe and yet remoter regions. Their convents multiplied not only in more civilized countries, but also in Russia, Poland, and Denmark; their missionaries penetrated to the heart of Palestine, to the inaccessible fastnesses of Abyssinia, and the bleak regions of Crim Tartary. In a few years,' says Dean Milman, 'from the sierras of Spain to the steppes of Russia; from the Tiber to the Thames, the Trent, the Baltic sea; the old faith in its fullest mediæval, imaginative, inflexible rigour, was preached in almost every town and hamlet'.' In England the Dominicans met with less success, but this was fully comThe Francis- pensated by the rapid progress of the Franciscans. Very soon after the establishment of the latter order, they had formed a settlement at Oxford under the auspices of Grosseteste, and had erected their first rude chapel at Cambridge. Within thirty years from their first arrival in the country, they numbered considerably more than a thousand and had established convents in most of the more important towns. 'If your holiness,' says Grosseteste, writing to Gregory IX in 1238, 'could see with what devotion and humility the people run to hear the word of life from them, for confession and instruction as to daily life, and how much improvement the clergy and the regulars (clerus et religio) have obtained by imitating them, you would indeed say that they that dwelt in the shadow of death upon them hath the light shined".' Even by the existing religious orders they and their work were regarded, in the first instance, with far from unfriendly sentiments; or, if jealousy were felt, it was deemed prudent

Their poputhe people.


they served to shew forth the count-
eracting tendencies of a very memo-
rable period. If each held down
some truth, each brought some side
of truth into light which its rival
would have crushed. If they left
many pernicious influences to after
ages, they awakened a spiritual and

intellectual energy, without which those ages would have been very barren.' Prof. Maurice, Medieval Philosophy, pp. 165-166.

1 Hist. Latin Christianity, Bk. ix c. 9.

2 Luard, Preface to Grosseteste Epistolæ, p. xxii; see also Epist. 58.

to repress its manifestation while the current of popular CHAP. I. feeling flowed so strongly in their favour. Roger of Wendover, prior of the Benedictine convent of Belvoir, declares that the labours of the new missionaries brought much fruit to the Lord'.'

With the activity of the Dominicans is associated the Instrumen. other great movement of this century,—the introduction of Dominicans the new philosophy. The numerous foundations planted by the origine

in bringing in them in the East, brought about an increased intercourse between those regions and Western Europe; the influence of the Crusades, as we have already seen, was tending to a like result; the barriers which, in the time of Gerbert, interposed between Mahometan and Christian thought, were broken down; and, simultaneously with these changes, the labours of Averroes, who died at Morocco in 1198, were spreading among the Arabs a deference for the authority of Aristotle such as no preceding commentator or translator had inspired. Another widely scattered body supplied the link that brought these labours home to Christendom. The Jews of Syria, and those who, under the scornfully tolerant rule of the Saracens in Spain, found refuge from the persecution and insult which confronted them in the great cities of Christian Europe, were distinguished by their cultivation of the new philosophy, and their acquaintance with both Arabic and Latin enabled them in turn to render the works of Averröes accessible to the scholars of the Romance countries. It would seem to be a well established conclusion Aristotle that the philosophy of Aristotle was first made known to to Europe as the West mainly through these versions. The rarity, at this through period, of a knowledge of Greek, and the attractions offered sources. by the additional aid afforded in the Arabic commentaries, secured for these sources a preference over whatever had as yet appeared that was founded upon an immediate acquaint


first known

1.Crevit igitur in brevi hic ordo fratrum prædictorum, qui Minores dicuntur, per orbem universum; qui in urbibus habitantes et castellis, deni et septeni exierunt in diebus illis, per villas et ecclesias parochi.

ales, verbum vitæ prædicantes, et
turbis agrestibus virtutum plantaria
inserentes, fructum plurimum Domi-
no obtulerunt.' Roger of Wendover,
Flowers of Hist. ed. Wats, p. 341.

CHAP. I. ance with the Greek originals? A considerable interval

elapsed before translations direct from the Greek appeared in sufficient number to rival those from the Arabic', and here it will be well before we proceed with the consideration of the interpretation of Aristotle adopted by the earliest teachers of our universities, to discriminate the sources from whence their inspiration would appear to have been

derived. Previous We have already had occasion to notice that the Aristotle knowledge in Europe of his writings.

of the schoolmen, prior to the twelfth century, was nothing more than probably two of his treatises on Logic,—the Categories and the De Interpretatione; the remaining portion of the Organon, as translated by Boethius, being first made known at the beginning of that century' It remains to explain by what means the Middle Age translations from the Arabic and those from the Greek have been distinguished and identified. The theories of different scholars on this question were for a long time singularly at variance. It could not be doubted that the source from whence those who first introduced the philosophy of Aristotle into Christian Europe derived their knowledge, were Latin translations; but ini what instances these translations had been made directly from the Greek, and in what instances they were derived from the labours of the Arabians, was in considerable dispute. Brucker, in his History of Philosophy, put forth only a confused and unsatisfactory statement; Heeren inclined to the opinion that the revival might be traced to sources

1 'On puisait plus volontiers à Monte, abbatis S. Michaelis, Chronica, cette source qu'à l'autre, parce que (quoted by Jourdain, p. 58). This les traductions de l'hébreu et de however would, of course, add little l'arabe étaient plus littérales, et to the actual knowledge of Aristotle. qu'on y trouvait des explications 3 These portions of the Organon, que l'obscurité du texte rendait très. that is to say, the Prior and Posteri nécessaires.' Jourdain, Recherches or Analytics, the Topica, and the Critiques, etc. p. 16.

Elenchi Sophistici became known ? The first known translation di- as the Nova Logica, the Categories rect from the Greek is that of Jacques and the De Interpretatione as Vetus de Venise, 1128. •Jacobus, clericus Logica. See Bulæus, III 82. Prantl de Venitia, transtulit de greco in observes that in Duns Scotus this latinum quosdam libros Aristotelis distinction appears to have been that et commentatus est, scilicet Topica, by which the respective treatises were Analyticos priores et posteriores, et generally known. Geschichte der Elenchos, quamvis antiqua translatio Logik, III 206. super eos baberetur,' Roberti de

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