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thing more, can be expected from it in the us. He is, however, of opinion that we have shape of Government revenue.

not, in every respect dealt fairly with our "Thus we see that whilst the resources of the British rulers, that we have been partial country have been increased, the drain upon it to our country (a fault of which we are sorry has been so great as not only to exhaust the many of our countrymen cannot be accused) whole of the increased revenue, but to run it and that the future prospects of India are not into debt to a very large amount, which, so gloomy as we have made it appear. under all the circumstances we have noticed must go on increasing, until the country will should consider India as having been at one Our contemporary is surprized that we be brought into the most deplorable condition time a rich country. He admits that she has imaginable and be in fact a burthen of which been rich in the capabilities of the soil; but England will no doubt be glad to get rid. Such denies that she ever was so in regard to the is the sad prospect for India, and such the only ingenuity and industry of her people. We answer we can give to the question that has led all endeavour to prove that before the Engus to the above observation." lish took possession of India she was a country

We never had a doubt that the commercial rich in the means of increasing her wealth, and assets of the Company were extravagantly that her people were really wealthy. Our overrated, any more than we had that com- contemporary has a great contempt "for the merce was indebted to territory not territory inflated eulogies of remote periods when the to commerce; and this point was strongly sources and the symbols of wealth were little pressed by those who endeavoured to see jus- understood." It is not necessary that we tice done to India at home. The London should consult writers of antiquity in order to charges amounting to two and a half millions be instructed in the principles of political ecosterling sufficiently exhibit the evil of renewing nomy. This science of modern origin is best the Charter in a merely financial point of view learnt from modern writers. But this surely is -the absurdity of such a system as that of not to preclude us from collecting facts and governing a great country by the intervention historical accounts from ancient records. We of a Company composed chiefly of City Mer- shall not indeed go so far back as the period chants, under the controul of a Board composed of the Hindoo dynasty, the accounts of which of a President, Vice-President and Members, are involved in so much obscurity and mixed subject to the Executive and Parliament, and up with fabulous stories of gods and goddesses. all these powers controuling in the most minute We shall take our data from the time of points a government distant 15,000 miles from the Mahommedan dynasty of which there are them, is so absurd, that if we did not know by authentic records. If those who wrote near sad experience that the springs of human action the period at which facts that form the groundare too often influenced by considerations with work of our remarks occurred, are not to be which reason has little concern, we should relied on, surely more modern accounts of wonder that it could have been proposed to those facts must be less entitled to credit. In an enlightened Legislation to continue such a treating this subject we must therefore observe system. We see no reason, however, to believe, a distinction, which we apprehend our contemthat we have reached a maximum in the porary has overlooked. We must take the development of the resources of this country, most ancient and authentic records for our and that we must go on progressively to ruin. guide as to matters of fact; and adopt the What does the Reformer think of an island philosophy of the modern political school in like Great Britain yielding a revenue of drawing conclusions from those facts. Now upwards of fifty millions, while this country, if we refer to Robertson, and other historians, which he holds to be so rich in resources, ac- and to the accounts of the French and Portucording to his statement yields only 17 millions. guese travellers who have spoken of India as To what does he ascribe the difference? We she was before the English became her masknow not; but we ascribe it in no small ters, we cannot but come to the conclusion that degree to the superior intelligence and enter- she was really a wealthy country. The granprizing spirit of the people of Great Britain; deur of her ancient cities so much spoken of by and when we reflect on the probable effects of these writers, is placed beyond doubt by the the diffusion of knowledge in this country now inspection of the ruins of those cities, which prosecuted with so much zeal and judgment, the hand of time has not yet been able to dewe cannot think that we are very rash in pre-stroy, and which from their solidity and the dicting that twenty years hence India will manner of execution shew the degree of laexhibit a very different and a much more favor-bour and art that had been employed in their able aspect thau she now does, even in de- production. The monuments of our ancient fiance of a Charter which is a disgrace to the age and to Great Britain.-Hurkaru.

learning yet extant point to the degree of civilization and enlightenment which India previous to the coming of the English enjoyed. A concurrence of these facts (we can quote inOur article on the prospects of India has stances if required) proves beyond doubt that been noticed at some length in the Bengal the people of this country could boast of as Hurkaru. In regard to the withholding of much ingenuity and industry as the soil they the Indian accounts from the Indian public inhabit has always boasted of its fertility. At until they are printed in England for the the time of Akbur Shah we read of there havuse of Parliament, and the deficiencies of ing been schools in almost every village of the the charter our contemporary agrees with empire: the following are mentioned as the

branches of learning cultivated among the peo- | Why have not the improved machineries of ple at that time-morality, arithmetic, ac- England found their way hither instead of the counts, agriculture, geometry, longimetry, as raw produce of this country going to England tronomy, geomancy, economies, the art of to be made up into stuffs for the wear of the government, physic, logic, natural philosophy, people of this country. Such was the jealousy abstract mathematics, divinity, and history. with which all the means of improvement were The resources she commanded in consequence held back from India that we are told the of the capabilities of her soil and the ingenuity machinery of the Fort Gloster Mill was absoand industry of her people, made her in a great lutely smuggled out of England-else it would measure independent of foreign countries. never have been allowed to come to India. In She had within herself almost all she wanted, short, view the subject as we may, there is no and the people who traded with her gave her doubt that the English have until very lately, chiefly the precious metals in exchange of her studiously checked the improvement of India productions both of nature and art. Indeed by their gigantic power. Witness the check such was the demand all over Europe for the placed by an enormous duty upon the sale of productions of India, and such the drain she our Sugar in England, in order to protect the made on the precious metals of the west, that interests of their West India Sugar. Now, if serious inconvenience would have resulted to writhing under such treatment we venture to Europe if America had not just at that crisis complain, we are coolly told that we are too been discovered, and the rich mines of Mexico partial to our country-that we have not fairly and Peru poured forth on Europe their abun- dealt with our English rulers-and that our dant contents. These facts shew beyond doubt, country has always been a poor, miserable that at that time India was dependent on thing! no foreign nation, and that the whole of Europe depended on her for many an article of luxury country the small island of Britain is held up As a matter of disgrace to the people of this Robertson states that rice, cotton, silk, piece for its large revenue of fifty millions against goods, lacks, sugar, saltpetre, long pepper, pre-the small revenue which is derived from the cious stones, pearls, &c., were exported in vast territories of British India. The reason abundance to all the western countries. is obvious. Before the connexion of England with this country, the former did not yield near so large a revenue. Since that period all the wealth of India having been carried away to England, and India made as it were a mere means of increasing the resources of the ruling country, she has naturally declined in wealth. Had England never possessed India, the disparity in their revenues would never have been so great.

We are willing to abide by the ordeal of a "comparison with the civilized countries on the face of the earth," by which the Hurkaru is disposed to try the capabilities of India. We have already seen what India was in comparison to the other civilized countries before the English got possession of her. We have now to see what she has been in comparison to these countries since that eventful period. Need we repeat, and in our contemporary's own words say, "she has been a poor counAdmitting fully all the good that Lord try!" In the intelligence and industry of her Cornwallis did to India, as well as all the benepeople in their wealth and resources India fits, resulting from the security of life and prowas before that period superior to most of the perty, after the country had been completely nations of Europe and inferior to none. She exhausted of property, we ask again why have is now inferior to them all! Those countries the evils of commission and omission_above have since the coming of the English regularly enumerated been permitted by the English progressed in all the improvements of which rulers of India? Why did they not make of an intelligent agent like man is capable: Infertile and civilized India what their independia has been stationary. Nay, we fear she dent countrymen in the West have done with has retrograded in her indiginous arts and the barren wastes of savage America? How far sciences. The race of improvement in which in advance of that country we were when the the different branches of the family of man English came here, and how far behind it we seem to be engaged is continued, and those now are? Is this the result of the subjection that are held back must of course lose ground, of India to Great Britain and of the rebellion of and after a while be found far hehind their for their American colony? We wish we could mer companions. This has been the case with say nay to the question; but stubborn truth unfortunate India since the coming of the Eng-forces from us an answer in the affirmative. If lish. Why has there been "much in our sys- the Hurkaru supposes that we intend to test tem to condemn?" Why have" the aborigines been excluded from all offices of honor and profit?" Why has "the retirement of public functionaries to Great Britain with large fortunes" been permitted? Why has India experienced, and still does experience, great fiscal injustice from Great Britain ?”

These are facts admitted by the Hurkaru, and to these we must chiefly look for the impoverishment of India. Why has not colonization been encouraged-at least permitted?

the merits of any government by a mere calculation of profit and loss," he does us an injustice. We take our stand on the broad principle of the general improvement of a nation, and on this we declare that India has not been fairly treated by her rulers-that she has not only not been encouraged to go forward: but absolutely held back, and prevented from making the advances she would have done if left alone to a free commercial intercourse with the countries of Europe. This is the summum bonum of the charge we have to bring against

our British rulers, and so far as we are able to supposition alone we have been discussing this see, we perceive nothing in what our contem- subject) were to continue to its expiration, the porary has advanced that could lead us to result will certainly be what we have prognoscome to a different conclusion. So far for the ticated. Education and enlightenment will no retrospect and the present condition of India! doubt open the eyes of the people to many an evil of which they are at present ignorant. In regard to her prospects, our contempo- But the perception of an evil, though it be the rary does not entertain such gloomy views as first step towards its remedy, is not certainly we have developed. His hope rests chiefly on the consummation of the cure. That object the diffusion of knowledge which is now pro- is to be looked for only in the actual removal secuted in this country with so much zeal and of the causes which continue to impoverish judgment. We have much reliance on the be- India. This presupposes a change, which in neficial effects likely to result from these well discussing this subject we have not anticipated, directed endeavours. Their chief effect will of and therefore our position in regard to the proscourse be to open the eyes of the people to the pects of India remains untouched by the argunumerous defects of the system by which they ments of our contemporary. If a new order of are governed; which it is to be hoped will things were to be introduced, we would of lead them to proper representations and course speak differently of the prospects of ultimately to the effectual removal of the evils. India: but as things stand and are likely to But supposing that the state of things es- continue, we are sorry, we cannot hold forth tablished by the present charter, (on which any golden hopes for the future.-Reformer.

LAW OF PRIMOGENITURE.*

thers to be serviceable to themselves and the public by engaging in mercantile, civil, military or ecclesiastical employment instead of taking up with the business and idleness of a country life, which it is supposed an equal division among them of the paternal estate would cause them to do.

No law of primogeniture seems to have been between the Government and the people. 2dly. known to the ancients with the exception of To prevent landed estates from being subdithe Jews, where the eldest son had a double vided into minute portions to the prejudice of share of the inheritance. This law, as is well agriculture. 3dly. To compel younger broknown, originated among the moderns in the feudal times when every landlord was a kind of petty prince whose security depended in a great measure on the extent of his possessions and powers. The advantages of such a law in the inheritance of monarchies are indeed obvious, but it is far different in the inheritance of private property. As soon as laws are powerful enough to make the proprietor of an 1st. "To keep up an aristocracy necessary acre of land as secure of his right to it as the as an intermediate power between the Governmost wealthy landlord of his right to his exten- ment and the people." sive estates, then of course the argument This pretended necessity of an intermedifounded on security no more obtains. Some ate power is indeed extremely doubtful in a kind of law of primogeniture has however well organized Government. Men are formed continued to exist in almost every part of into societies for their security and happiness, Europe, probably through custom rather than and if the rulers appointed or tolerated by them through any well ascertained benefit derived always act, as in duty bound, in conformity to from it at the present day. Specious argu- the wishes of the majority of their subjects or ments have indeed been brought forward in fellow citizens, there seems to be no reason to support of such a law even in the present fear lest they should ever fail to receive from state of society, and some advocates of pri- this majority a sufficient support to their legitimogeniture have actually gone so far as to mate authority. The error of this argument threaten with complete ruin in the course of a comes from considering the king and the peofew generations any state in which a division ple as two parties whose interests, always in of their father's landed property in equal opposition, are apt to make them quarrel with shares among brothers and sisters should con- each other, and render it necessary to estatinue to prevail; forgetting that this obvious, blish a kind of arbitrator to keep the peace beand one might almost say natural, law did tween them.* prevail for centuries among the most flourishing nations of the middle ages and of ancient times!

The aim and effect of a law of primogeniture is asserted to be-1st. To keep up an aristocracy necessary as an intermediate power

But should it be said that the view here taken of the true principle of Government is still a mere theory which a few nations have scarcely began putting into practice, it would not follow from this that there is any necessity for

I have not said a word here about entails, as they have now If the only legitimate end of Government be the greatest scarcely an advocate. Their evil consequences seem to be so gene- happiness of the greatest number, it seems very extraordinary, in rally acknowledged that some of the warmest supporters of a law order to obtain that end, to lay down as a fundamental principle of primogeniture disclaim any intentions of engrafting upon it a law that in a well regulated state of society, men should be divided into of entails, though the latter is but the natural consequence (Adam two classes, one born to riches and enjoyment; the other, and by Smith) of the former, far the most numerous, to poverty and labour !

a law of primogeniture to keep up that inter- numbers, the system of equal division has no mediate power considered as so essential to tendency to change the relative wealth of the welfare of society. The Greeks and Ro- families. Each married pair is replaced by mans, the republics of the middle ages in Italy, another standing on an average in the same Switzerland, Germany, allowed of the par- circumstances. It happens of course fretition of estates and still there was no want quently that the brother and sister, or the two among them of a rich aristocracy and a large brothers or two sisters, who are the average number of Proletarii. Inequality of fortunes result of each marriage, do share among will exist in any society without artificial themselves the estate they inherited from means for promoting it; it is but the natural their parents, but when they marry their conresult of the difference in circumstances, acti- sorts bring them some kind or other of provity, economy and talent of individual mem-perty equal in value to what each child had bers of the community. The law of primogeniture confines wealth to the hands of a few privileged families, while under the system of equal division, riches are allowed to circulate freely through the body politic, and being accessible to all, act as a stimulus to all.

2dly. "To prevent landed estates from being divided into minute portions to the prejudice of agriculture."

been obliged to give up to the other. The two new couples have each the same amount of property which their parents had, and if, instead of a whole estate, each has one half of two different estates, they will probably soon find the means of re-uniting those two halves into one whole. Should population increase faster than wealth the case would be somewhat different. There would then be a real tendency of estates to decrease in Very erroneous notions seem to prevail on extent, but this would be still in a very differthis subject. A writer of some celebrity in ent ratio from what is supposed by those who this country, the correspondent of the India advocate a law of primogeniture. Suppose Gazette, A FRIEND TO INDIA, said once of Jersey for instance population should increase oneand Guernsey, where each family is represent- third, in one generation, while the general ed as living contented and happy on its fifty wealth would increase only one-fourth, then or sixty acres each: "the next generation will the wealth of each family or the extent of see them working hard to cultivate each family each estate in the average would decrease its ten or fifteen acres with little or no educa- one-twelfth, or the difference between the total tion. In the third we shall find them living in increase of population and that of general hovels each with its three or four acres." How wealth. Should this continue to go on for can such an absurdity have escaped a philo- some of the following generations, it could be sophical writer !! When did population merely in a decreasing geometrical progresever increase three or four-fold in one genera- sion, until the means of supporting too numetion, and that too while the means of subsist-rous a population being absolutely wanting, ence or the general wealth of society misery and starvation would bring back every remained (as implied here) stationary or did actually decrease? And what would be the effect of a law of primogeniture which should be now enacted in those islands? Why, if they have, as is supposed, no other resources but agriculture, the whole population, however numerous, must of course derive from it

its means of subsistence. Should population treble in the course of one generation, the next generation would undoubtedly have to live on the produce of fifteen or twenty acres for each family. In the case of equal division each family would then live with some difficulty on the whole produce of that extent of land, while under the law of primogeniture some families would be in real comfort, and, the greatest part of the population would starve or drag on their miserable existence in the most abject state of poverty. Which is the greatest of the two evils? *

thing to its natural level. But let me observe here that the dreadful evil of over population could scarely ever happen under a law of equal division whereas the law of primogeniture actually tends to it.

It is now, I believe, admitted, by every Political Economist, that population has a natural tendency to increase faster than capital, from which it results that should no restraint of any kind check that tendency many unhappy beings would be born only to starve. Men who have no property and whose sole means of existence are their labour, are those whose natural propensities it is more necessary and at the same time more difficult to restrain : accustomed as they are to live on the wages of their labour, they cannot easily conceive why their children, in whatever number they may be, should not find a livelihood by the same means; but in this way the number of labourers increase in a quicker ratio than the demand for labour, wages decrease, the working population suffers, misery becomes greater and greater, until emigration, want, disease, starvation, at the expense of incalculable * The FRIEND TO INDIA is extremely inveterate against individual misery, bring back the state of equithe law of equal division among children of their father's pro-librium which it would have been so highly deperty, which he calls an infernal custom, and to elude which he regrets for India the golden time when out of three or four bro thers two or three got knocked on the head, and by that means the whole estate descended undivided to the survivor! This infernal, castom, however, prevailed without any apparent inconvenience, for ages in many countries, and it has been in our days adopted by the only two modern nations whose civil laws have resulted from a philosophical investigation unshackled by prejudices and aided by the power of modern analysis.

This bugbear of the advocates of a law of primogeniture, the splitting of estates, exists more in their fancy than in reality. When the population is stationary in point of

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sirable never to have lost. This fact of men without property being generally more prolifick than men of some fortune, had been observed by the ancients, and on that account people of that description were called by the

Romans, proletarii (from proles). A man na- more enlightened than those of the latter, but turally wishes his children to live in the same this is accidentally not essentially so. Besides, rank as himself, and if he has some property, to have a good practical knowledge of agrithe whole of which he knows will be divided culture it is not absolutely necessary to be a in equal shares among them, he will in gene-man of very extensive information. It is sufral take care that their number should not ficient that one man in twenty or perhaps in a render each share too small. This is no idle hundred should take the lead in new and imtheory but a well known, and I believe, ac-portant improvements, his success will soon knowledged fact. encourage others to imitate him. The estaBut is a division of lands in estates of small blishment in France of a few fermes modeles is extent so detrimental to agriculture as it is said to have led to great improvements in the pretended? In the neighbourhood of flourish-agriculture of that country. And will not the ing cities the land is generally divided into natural course of events, without any express small portions, and still it is, without surely law for that purpose, always bring together any exception, the best cultivated and the large extents of lands which will not act as most productive. "To cultivate land with fernies modeles, when encouraged by liberty, profit," says Adam Smith, "like all other peace, instruction? commercial projects, requires an exact atten- After all it greatly depends upon the civil tion to small savings and small gains of which institutions of a country whether small proa man born to a great fortune though naturally prietors shall not be as enlightened as the frugal, is very seldom capable." Suppose an great landlords with respect to what chiefly estate of one thousand acres which requires concerns them. It is the duty of every Goten families (including the proprietor's) of la- vernment to look that no man should be withbourers to cultivate it. The proprietor lives out that elementary knowledge which may enprobably in great comfort with little to do, able him to pursue his studies by himself as while the labourers, on the contrary, work he may have leisure and intelligence for this, hard and live on a small pittance. Now, and as he may find it necessary. This eleshould that estate by process of time have mentary knowledge includes little been divided into ten shares, one for each fa- than reading, writing, arithmetic and a mily now upon it, why should it necessarily little geometry. With that a man will genefollow that it would lose any part of its value? rally be able to read and understand all Some part of the produce of the land which those useful little tracts which can be so easily formerly went to keep up the comparatively and so advantageously distributed among the grand style of the single proprietor, would people at large. If knowledge is power, it probably go now to improve the comforts should not be monopolized by a few. of the former way of living of the nine labourers, but why should the total produce of the whole be diminished? Every man would work more cheerfully, be more attentive to small savings than they were under the former system when they were not labouring for themselves. What each could not do with his unaided capital might be done by combination among them; this merely supposes they should have common sense enough to understand their own interests. Would not the additional happiness of the nine families of labourers be greater than what might have been taken in this way from the former proprietor's representatives; and the total produce of the estate having remained the same, would not the greatest happiness of the greatest number be promoted by the change?

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In support of the insolent law of primogeniture (as Gibbon calls it) some particular cases are at times brought forward, and general conclusions drawn from them. The Editor of the Reformer, in an impartial and able investigation of this subject, relates a story of a man who left to his children a valuable estate, the the value of which however depended upon keeping in proper repair a bund and a bridge for the direction of water. The new proprietors did not agree among themselves for the repairing of the bund and bridge, and the result was the water broke in and reduced the whole estate to an unprofitable bog. Now this single fact of course proves nothing; it is a mere accident owing to the foolishness and ignorance of the new proprietors, and by no Perhaps it will be said that a want of union their number. It might have happened if the necessary or even a probable consequence of among small proprietors frequently prevents estate had descended to a single ignorant and them from combining their resources so as to negligent heir. Such an argument might as have all the same means of success which are well be used against a republic in favour of usually in the power of the proprietor of a despotism, and no single isolated facts would large estate. This is true probably in some be wanting to support it. Besides the reverse cases, but it requires only to shew clearly to the of the story here told might have just as natusmall proprietors the advantages of combina-rally happened. For instance: A man had tion to make them hold together. Though inherited from his ancestors a large estate, from ignorance frequently may cause man to act which he derived, however, comparatively, but contrary to his interest, he will retrace his a small income, part of his lands being too marsteps as soon as he is made to understand that shy for cultivation. His small income with his he has taken a wrong path.

means a

economical habits afforded him the means to The chief, if not the only, advantage of bring up in some comfort his three sons. By moderately large estates over small ones is that the death of the old man his sons having come the proprietors of the former are generally to the possession of the estate soon found out

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