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army consisted of some German pilgrims, whom he was obliged to disband with indulgences and alms. Regardless of futurity, his successors and the powers of Italy were involved in the schemes of present and domestic ambition; and the distance or proximity of each object determined, in their eyes, its apparent magnitude. A more enlarged view of their interest would have taught them to maintain a defensive and naval war against the common enemy; and the support of Scanderbeg and his brave Albanians might have prevented the subsequent invasion of the kingdom of Naples. The siege and sack of Otranto by the Turks diffused a general consternation; and Pope Sixtus was preparing to fly beyond the Alps, when the storm was instantly dispelled by the death of Mahomet the Second, in the fiftyfirst year of his age *. His lofty genius aspired to the conquest of Italy. He was possessed of a strong city and a capacious harbour; and the same reign might have been decorated with * Besides the two annalists, the reader may consult Giannone (Istoria Civile, tom. iii. p. 449—455.) for the Turkish invasion of the kingdom of Naples. For the reign and conquests of Mahomet II. I have occasionally used the Memorie 1storiche de Monarchi Ottomanni di Giovanni Sagredo, (Venezia, 1677, in 4to). In peace and war, the Turks have ever engaged the attention of the republic of Venice. All her dispatches and archives were open to a procurator of St Mark, and Sagredo is not contemptible either in sense or style. Yet he too bitterly hates the infidels; he is ignorant of their language and manners; and his narrative, which allows only seventy pages to Mahomet II. (p. 69–140.), becomes more

copious and authentic as he approaches the years 1649 and 1645, the term of the historic labours of John Sagredo.

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with the trophies of the New and the Ancient chap.

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* As I am now taking an everlasting farewell of the Greek empire, I shall briefly mention the great collection of Byzantine writers, whose names and testimonies have been successively repeated in this work. The Greek presses of Aldus and the Italians were confined to the classics of a better age; and the first rude editions of Procopius, Agathias, Cedrenus, Zonaras, &c. were published by the learned diligence of the Germans. The whole Byzantine series (36 volumes in folio) has gradually issued (A. D. 1648, &c.) from the royal press of the Louvre, with some collateral aid from Rome and Leipsic; but the Venetian edition, (A. D. 1729), though cheaper and more copious, is not less inferior in correctness than in magnificence to that of Paris. The merits of the French editors are various; but the value of Anna Comnena, Cinnamus, Villehardouin, &c. is enhanced by the historical notes of Charles du Fresne du Cange. His supplemental works, the Greek Glossary, the Constantinopolis Christiana, the Familiae Byzantinae, diffuse a steady light over the darkness of the Lower Fmpire.

cHAP.

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State of Rome from the Twelfth Century.—Temporal Dominion of the Popcs.—Seditions of the City. —Political Herety of Arnold of Brescia-Restoration of the Republic.—The Senators.—Pride of the Romans.—Their Wars.--They are deprived of the Election and Presence of the Popes, who retire to Avignon.—The Jubilee.—Noble Families of Rome. —Feud of the Colonna and Ursini.

I. the first ages of the decline and fall of the Roman empire, our eye is invariably fixed on the royal city, which had given laws to the fairest portion of the globe. We contemplate her fortunes, at first with admiration, at length with pity, always with attention; and when that attention is diverted from the capital to the provinces, they are considered as so many branches which have been successively severed from the Imperial trunk. The foundation of a second Rome on the shores of the Bosphorus, has compelled the historian to follow the successors of Constantine; and our curiosity has been tempted to visit the most remote countries of Europe and Asia, to explore the causes and the authors of the long decay of the Byzantine monarchy. By the conquest of Justinian, we have been recalled to the banks of the Tyber, to the deliverance of the ancient metropolis; but that deliverance was a change, or perhaps an aggravation, of servitude. Rome had been already stripped of her trophies, her gods, and her Caesars; nor was the Gothic dominion more inglorious and oppressive than the tyranny of the Greeks. In the eighth century of the Chris. tian aera, a religious quarrel, the worship of images, provoked the Romans to assert their independence; their bishop became the temporal as well as the spiritual father of a free people; and of the Western empire, which was restored by Charlemagne, the title and image still decorate the singular constitution of modern Germany. The name of Rome must yet command our involuntary respect; the climate (whatsoever may be its influence) was no longer the same *; the purity of blood had been contaminated through a thousand channels; but the venerable aspect of her ruins, and the memory of past greatness, rekindled a spark of the national character. The darkness of the middle ages exhibits some scenes not unworthy of our notice. Nor shall I dismiss the present work till I have reviewed the state and revolutions of the Roman city, which acquiesced under the absolute dominion of the Popes, about the same time that Constantinople was enslaved by the Turkish arms.

C H A P.
LXIX.
*—v-
State and
revolu-
tions of
Rome, .
A. D.
1 loc-
1520.

been

Vol. XII. - S In * The Abbé Dubos, who, with less genius than his successor Montesquieu, has asserted and magnified the into ace of

climate, objects to himself the degeneracy of the Roma.is and Batavians. To the first of these examples he replies, 1. That the change is less real than apparent, and that the modern Romans prudently conceal in themselves the virtues of their ancestors. 2. That the air, the soil, and the climate of Rome, have suffered a great and visible alteration, (Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur la Peinture, part ii. sect. 16.).

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In the beginning of the twelfth century", the aera of the first crusade, Rome was revered by the Latins, as the metropolis of the world, as the throne of the Pope and the Emperor, who, from the eternal city, derived their title, their honours, and the right or exercise of temporal dominion. After so long an interruption, it may not be useless to repeat, that the successors of Charlemagne and the Othos were chosen beyond the Rhine in a national diet; but that these princes were content with the humble names of Kings of Germany and Italy, till they had passed the Alps and the Apennine, to seek their Imperial crown on the banks of the Tyber f. At some distance from the city, their approach was saluted by a long procession of the clergy and people with palms and crosses; and the terrific emblems of wolves and lions, of dragons and eagles, that floated in the military banners, represented the departed legions and cohorts of the republic. The royal oath to maintain the liberties of Rome was thrice reiterated, at the bridge, the gate, and on the stairs of the Vatican ; and the distribution of a customary donative feebly imitated the magnificence of the first Caesars. In the church of St Peter, the co

ronation

* The reader has been so long absent from Rome, that I would advise him to recollect or review the 49th chapter, in the 9th volume of this history.

+ The coronation of the German Emperors at Rome, more especially in the 11th century, is best represented from the original monuments by Muratori (Antiquitat. Italiae medii AEvi, tom. i. dissertat. ii. p. 99, &c.), and Cenni (Monument. Domin, Pontiff, tom. ii. diss. vi. p. 261.), the latter of whom I only know from the copious extract of Schmidt, (Hist, des Allemands, tom. iii. p. 255–266.).

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