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they invariably spoke of China by the name Kathái (cathay) and the emperor as the Khákhán. Russia, they called Urús. They were highly amused at the races, but said theirs which are held once a year were very superior. The English ladies they admired very much, but asserted their own were as fair and had more colour. The dress of the Usbeks is generally a small round cap of ermine, a large flowing robe with an under dress and broad flowing trowsers; like the Usmanloos they wear a broad leathern belt round the waist. When they go out they always wear boots of black or shagreen leather; their arms were Chinese short swords, and matchlocks with Russian barrels and daggers.

They mentioned the fact of dreadful earthquakes having occurred in their country about three or four years ago. The Cholera also had extended its ravages to the territory of their Khan.

It is proper that I should state that this information was collected casually and in the course of many conversations I had with these persons; there may be some exaggeration, but I believe it may generally be depended upon. The Usbeks are a very straightforward, honest, and simple people, very unlike the Persians or other Asiatics, and much more approaching in their disposition and manners to Europeans. With regard to the rebellion of JEHANGIR KHOJEH in Chinese Tartary, the truth of what they stated was fully borne out and verified by Mr. LINDSAY, the late Secretary to the Select Committee at Canton.

In order to give a correct idea of the geographical situation of the kingdom of Kokan, I have appended to this memoir a map* of Central Asia, drawn up from the best authorities within my reach. The following genealogical table will also be useful to shew the descent of UZBEK, the founder of this horde, from CHEngíz Khan.

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The tribes collected by UZBEK conquered Transoxiana, &c.

The NOGHAI horde was subdued by the Russians, and these Tartars are now scattered throughout Siberia.

* We regret being obliged to omit this map, which however necessarily contains no matter new to geography, beyond perhaps the extension of the sway of the KHA'N of Kokan, as far north as the river Irtish. Any good map of Central Asia will be sufficient to elucidate the memoir.-ED.

II.-Note of a Pilgrimage undertaken by an Usbek and his two Sons from Khokend or Kokan, in Tartary, through Russia, &c. to Mecca. Obtained in conversation with the parties, by W. H. WATHEN, Esq. &c. About fourteen years ago, A. D. 1820. our father had a house and small estate in the city of Kokan: this he sold for four hundred gold pieces, (a tila of Kokan is equal to about eight rupees,) or rather more than three thousand rupees, and having determined to abandon worldly cares, and commence a religious life, he took leave of all his friends and relations, and proceeded on a journey, with the view of performing a pilgrimage to the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina. We went from Kokan to Táshkend, which is eight days journey of a caravan: this is a large city, enclosed with a wall, and had been lately taken by our king from YUNIS KHOJA's sons; their father had held it as a fief from our government. At Táshkend we waited some days, until the caravan for Russia took its departure: the caravan consisted of about 50 or 60 persons, mostly Bokhára and Táshkend people. From Táshkend we then proceeded to a fortified town, called Turkistán, of rather smaller consequence than Táshkend. Leaving this city, we arrived in about ten days at a small place named Sozák. After this, we saw no more fixed habitations, until we had entered the Russian territory. The country consisted of immense Steppes of pasture land, the grass growing to a prodigious height, and it was occupied by hordes of Kuzzáks, who dwelt in small black tents, and ranged about from place to place, After passing through the hordes of Kuzzáks subject to our sovereign, we arrived at the river called the Kúk-Sú, and on crossing it found the country occupied by Kuzzáks, dependent on the Russian king, (A ́k Padshah, or White King.) We then arrived at a small place called Shumí: here the Russians collected a toll from the people of the caravan; but on being told we were pilgrims, they left us alone; the caravan dispersed at Shumí. We staid at this town two months, and lodged with a Nogai Tartar. We were two months on our journey from Tashkend to the Russian territory. We hired three kibitkas from the Nogais, and went in fifteen days to Omsk, which is a large fortified town. The Russian soldiers, dressed like yours, stopped us at the gates, but on being told we were pilgrims, allowed us to pass. We staid ten days there with a Nogai. We got a passport in the Russian language, from a great man, whom they called General; he had long festoons of gold hanging from his shoulders, and was dressed in black (dark-green). We left Omsk, and after passing through many places, the names of which we do not remember, we arrived at a very large and ancient city, called Kazán. We were allowed to pass at the gates on shewing the passport we had obtained at Omsk. We travel

led in kibitkas, or carriages drawn by one horse. We staid four months at Kazán, during which was the month of Ramazan; we lived with a Nogai Tartar. We resolved to go by water thence to Astrakhán, (the journey by land takes forty days.) At about one hour's distance from Kazán, we came to a large river*, and we embarked with several other merchants, Tartars, and Russians, on board a large boat about the size of a patéla; the owner of the boat was a Russian. About half way to Astrakhan, on the right bank of the river, our boat came to anchor off a large town named Sarat, where we staid six days: this town is smaller and more modern than Kazán. We then embarked, and arrived at Astrakhan in about forty-four days after leaving Kazán. We were stopped at the gates by the guard; after examining our passport, they let us pass; they were dressed like your people, except that their clothes were black (meaning dark-green). We staid one month with a Nogai there, as it was winter, and the country difficult to travel, owing to the snow and ice. After this, we hired kibitkas, and in twenty days arrived at a town where the Sultan of the Nogais resides. We cannot correctly recollect the name of the place, but it was something like Evel. Three days journey from thence, we met with a river or branch of the sea, where was a Russian fort, with a small detachment of military; our passport was again looked at. We then crossed over and came to a desert of one day's journey in the carriages aforesaid; after which, we reached a village of the Cherkes (Circassians): they gave us a guide who brought us to a Muhammedan village, whence we went with a caravan to Hunufa (Hanapa). We had now entered the Roman (Turkish) territories. After a stay of ten days at that place, we took ship, and arrived safely at Rúm (Constantinople); here we hired a house for three or four rupees per month, staid in that city four months, and passed over in a boat to Eskudari. We here purchased horses, and proceeded on horseback through many villages and towns until after forty or fifty days, we arrived at Shám (Damascus). We hired a house in this city, where we staid some time. We wished to visit Jerusalem, but the country was in such a disturbed state, that we could not go for fear of the plundering Arabs. We then travelled to a town called Ghaza, and thence to Elarish, whence we went in twenty-five days to Cairo, the capital of Egypt; here we hired a house and remained three months. We then left for Suez, which port we reached on camels in four days; here we embarked on board a vessel, and arrived at Judda in seventeen days. We put on the dress of pilgrims on board ship four days before we arrived at Judda. We reached Mecca in two days on camels; arrived there in the month of Ramzán. We hired a house there at four dollars * The Volga.

per mensem, and after the pilgrimage was performed, we went with a caravan to Medina, where we arrived in twelve days. From Medina we came to Yambo, a sea-port; thence we took ship to Cossier, thence in four days we reached Kenneh; we then dropped down the Nile to Cairo, whence we went to Alexandria; there we took ship, and sailed to a place called Adania; we thence journeyed to a town called Katahia, thence to Boursa, then to another town called Adania, Scutari, and Rúm. At Constantinople we were directed by the Scutan's minister to apply to the Russian ambassador for another passport. We took ship and arrived at Taridska*. Here we saw a large Russian fort. Thence we came to Astrakhan, from which place we proceeded round the head of the Caspian to the city of Orenbourg; thence we went to a place called Kezziljer, the last town in the Russian territories. About twelve or thirteen days after passing through the hordes of wandering Kuzzáks, we crossed the Kúk-Sú river, and happily re-entered our prince's those territory. On both sides this river are hordes of roving Kuzzáks; to the north are under Russia, to the south under our king. The river is very broad, and at times very full of water; its current is very strong. We arrived after thirty days on camels at Sozák; hence we bent our steps to Turkistan, Tashkend, and Kokan. When we arrived, the KHÁN, our king, had just returned from his campaign in Chinese Tartary; whither he had gone to assist JEHANGIR KHOJA WANG. JEHANGÍR KHOJA was no rebel, as treated by the Chinese. His ancestors were the sovereigns of the country before the Chinese conquered it, that is of Kashgar. Our prince in some degree failed in his expedition against the Chinese; this was owing to JEHANGÍR KHOJA's not joining him cordially. Our prince could not infuse confidence into his mind, and JEHANGIR wanted to conquer the country for himself. The consequence of that campaign, however, was that the Chinese agreed to our king's supremacy over their Muhammedan subjects; on the other hand, he is to keep the country in order, and be responsible for the Kirghiz and Muhammedan population. After our return, our father waited on the SHEKH-UL ISLAM, who paid him great attention, as did all the ulema, and people in general; but his other four sons died, on which he set out with us and our mother on a second pilgrimage, both our parents being determined to leave their bones in the holy land. Our good father however died at Somníany. In the first instance our 400 tilas (gold pieces) carried us to Mecca. After all our expenditure there, we had one hundred† left, and on this we subsisted on our way back. We were seven years in performing our first pilgrimage, and returning to our own country. We had no anxiety about being short in cash, as we knew * Taganrog? † Rupees 800.

we had God for our protector, and that he would bring us through all adversities, according to his holy and immutable decrees.

The two young men, from whom I gleaned the above particulars, came to Bombay in the suite of the vazír of Kokan; their names were HAJÍ SHAH KU'Lí and HAJÍ SHAH KALENDER; they were very young when they performed the pilgrimage, being now only about thirty and twenty-six years of age respectively. They have received a very good education, having a good acquaintance with the principal Persian authors, and are well versed in Muhammedan science; their father was a Mulla or Doctor of Law, and received his education partly at Kokan, and partly at Bokhara; he also travelled to Kabul to become initiated in Súfeism by a famous nakshbandy pír or seer of that place.

III.-European Speculations on Buddhism. By B. H. HODGSON, Esq. C. S. Resident at Nipal, &c.

In the late M. ABEL REMUSAT's review of my sketch of Buddhism, (Journal des Savans, Mai, 1831,) with the perusal of which I have just been favoured by Mr. J. PRINSEP, there occurs (p. 263) the following passage: "L'une des croyances les plus importantes, et celle sur la quelle l'essai de M. HODGSON fournit le moins de lumières, est celle des avénemens ou incarnations (avatára). Le nom de Tathagata (avenu*) qu'on donne à SAKIA n'est point expliqué dans son mémoire; et quant aux incarnations, le religieux dont les reponses ont fourni la substance de ce mémoire, ne semble pas en reconnoître d'autres que celles des sept Bouddhas. Il est pourtant certain qu'on en compte une infinité d'autres; et les lamas du Tibet se considèrent eux mêmes comme autant de divinités incarnées pour le salut des hommes."

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I confess I am somewhat surprised by these observations, since whatever degree of useful information relative to Buddhism my essays in the Calcutta and London Transactions may furnish, they profess not to give any, (save ex vi necessitatis) concerning the veritàble nonsens' of the system. And in what light, I pray you, is sober sense to regard "une infinité" of phantoms, challenging belief in their historical existence as the founders and propagators of a given code of laws? The Lallita Vistara gravely assigns 505, or according to another copy, 550, ävatárs to SAKYA alone. Was I seriously to incline to the task of collecting and recording all that is attributed to these palpable nonentities? or, was it merely desired that I should explain the rationale of the doctrine of incarnation? If the latter only be the desideratum, here is a summary recapitulation of what I thought I had already sufficiently explained.

* A radical mistake; see the sequel.

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