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CHAP. of the actual attempt, the name of Kæso is not men

tioned. But we hear in general terms 24 of Roman exiles, whom it was the especial object of the enterprize to restore to their country; and we may be sure that Kæso was one of them. Appius Herdonius was probably a Sabine adventurer in circumstances like his own, whom he persuaded to aid him in his attempt. Had we the real history of these times, we should find in all likelihood that the truth in the stories of Kæso and Coriolanus has been exactly inverted; that the share of the Roman exile in the surprise of the Capitol has been as unduly suppressed as that of the Roman exile in the great Volscian war has been unduly magnified ; that Kæso's treason has been transferred to Appius Herdonius, while the glory of the Volscian leader, Attius Tullius, has been

bestowed on Coriolanus. L. Quinc- The burghers, as a body, would certainly be optius, the father of posed, both from patriotic and selfish motives, to the Kæs, opposes the attempt of Kæso; an exile forcing his return by the law vehe- swords of other exiles, and seizing the citadel, was

likely to set himself up as a tyrant alike over the burghers and the commons; and even his own father L. Quinctius, would have been the first to resist him. But when he had fallen and this danger was at an end, other feelings returned ; and L. Quinctius would then hate the commons with a deeper hatred, as he would ascribe to them the miserable fate of his son; Kæso's guilt, no less than his misfortune, would appear



24 See chap. XI. note 11.



the consequence of their persecution. So when he CHAP. was elected consul in the room of P. Valerius, he seemed to set no bounds to his thirst for vengeance. The promise by which Valerius had prevailed on the commons to follow him to the recovery of the Capitol was utterly disregarded ; L. Quinctius 25 openly set the tribunes at defiance, told them that they should never pass their law while he was consul, and declared that he would instantly lead forth the legions into the field against the Æquians and Volscians.

The tribunes 26 represented that they would not His violent allow him to enlist any as soldiers : but Quinctius replied, that he needed no enlistment; “the men who took up arms under F. Valerius swore to assemble at the consul's bidding, and not to disband without his orders. The consul never disbanded them; and I the consul,” he said, “ command you to meet me in arms to-morrow at the lake Regillus.” But more was said to be designed than a simple post- A.U.C. 294.

A.C. 458. ponement of the Terentilian law: the augurs were to attend ?, in order to inaugurate the ground where the soldiers were to meet, and thus convert it into a lawful place of assembly; then the army in its centuries would be called upon to repeal all the laws which had been passed at Rome under the influence of the tribunes; and none would dare to oppose the consul's will, for beyond the distance of one mile from the city the tribunes' protection would be of no

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25 Livy, III. 19. 26 Livy, III. 20.

27 Livy, III. 20.



vailed upon


CHAP. avail, nor did there exist any right of appeal. More

than all, Quinctius repeatedly declared that when his year of office was expired, he would name a dictator, that the tribunes might be awed by the power of a magistrate from whom there lay no appeal even

within the walls of Rome. He is pro- The Roman annalists who recorded these events 28 to abandon loved to believe, that in spite of all their provocations

the commons so respected the sacredness of an oath,
that they would have kept the letter of it to their
own hurt, even when its spirit in no way bound them
to obedience. They say that the tribunes and the
commons felt that they could not resist as a matter
of right; that they appealed 29 to the mercy of the
senate, and that the senate only prevailed with the
consuls to abandon their purpose of taking the field,
on condition that the tribunes would promise not to
bring forward the question of the law again during
that year. It may be, however, that the senate
knew how far they could safely tempt the patience
of the tribunes; threats might be held out in order
to claim a merit in abandoning them; but an actual
attempt to march the legions out of the city, with
the avowed purpose of making them the helpless in-
struments in the destruction of their own liberties,
would be too bold a venture; at the last excess of
insolent tyranny Nemesis would surely awake to

28 Livy, III. 20. Nondum hæc, et leges aptas faciebat, sed suos quæ nunc tenet sæculum, negli. potius mores ad ea accommodabat. gentia Deum venerat: nec inter- . 29 Livy, III. 21. pretando sibi quisque jusjurandum



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At any rate 30 it appeared that neither the tribunes CHAP. nor the commons were disposed to let the Terentilian law be forgotten; for when the elections came A.C. 457, on, the same tribunes who had already been in office delayed by

foreign wai. for two years, were re-elected for a third year; and again began to bring forward the disputed question. But again they gave way to the pressure of foreign war; for the danger from the Æquians and Volscians was imminent: the former had surprised the citadel of Tusculum: the latter had expelled the Roman colony from Antium, and recovered that important city. After a series of operations which lasted for several months, the Æquians were dislodged from Tusculum, but Antium still remained in the possession of the Volscians. Thus the Terentilian law was again delayed 31: but Chargo

*° against M. in the mean time the burghers, who retained a lively Volscius

» for false witresentment for the fate of Kæso, were trying to ness in the

trial of establish a charge of false witness against M. Vol- Kæso. scius, by whose testimony, as to his brother's murder, the event of Kæso's trial had been chiefly decided. The two quæstores parricidii, or chief criminal judges, proposed to impeach Volscius before the curiæ; but the tribunes refused to allow the trial to come on till the question of the law had been first decided. Thus the year passed away: but the tribunes were again, for the fourth time, re-elected. In the following year is placed the story already A.U.C. 296.

A.C. 456, related of the dictatorship of L. Quinctius Cincin

su Livy, III. 21–23.

31 Livy, III. 24.


CHAP. natus, and his deliverance of the consul and his

. army, when they were blockaded by the Æquians. Dictatorship of L. Quinc. The continued absence 32 of the legions, which kept tius. Volscius goes the field nearly the whole year, afforded the burghers into exile.

a pretence for opposing the introduction of the law; but L. Quinctius availed himself of his dictatorial power to hold the comitia for the trial of Volscius in defiance of the tribunes; and the accused, feeling his condemnation to be certain, left Rome and availed himself of the interchange of citizenship between the Romans and Latins, to become a citizen of Lanuvium. The tribunes were again re-elected for a

fifth time. A.U.C. 297. The year 297 38 was marked by the same dangers

A.C. 455. Increase in from the Æquians; and the Sabines are said in this the number

and in the former year to have joined them, and to have carried alarm and devastation into a new part of the Roman territory, that which lay between the Tiber and the Anio. Thus the law made no progress; but the tribunes obtained an important point, that their number should henceforth be doubled. Ten tribunes were from this time forward annually

elected; two from each of the five classes. The annals There can be no doubt that the annals of this have not given a full period, as we now have them in Livy and Dionysius, picture of the disorders present a very incomplete picture of these dissensions. of these

The original source of the details must have been the memorials of the several great families; each successive version of these, as men’s notions of their

of the tribunes.


32 Livy, III. 29.

33 Livy, III. 30.

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