great spirits, and yet the most beautiful men of their times. In beauty, that of favour is more than that of colour; and that of decent and gracious motion more than that of favour. That is the best part of beauty which a picture cannot express; no, nor the first sight of the life. There is no excellent beauty that hath not some strangeness in the proportion. A man cannot tell whether Apelles or Albert Durer were the more trifler; whereof the one would make a personage by geometrical proportions: the other, by taking the best parts out of divers faces to make one excellent. Such personages, I think, would please nobody but the painter that made them. Not but I think a painter may make a better face than ever was; but he must do it by a kind of felicity (as a musician that maketh an excellent air in music), and not by rule. A man shall see faces, that, if you examine them part by part, you shall find never a good : and yet altogether do well. If it be true that the principal part of beauty is in decent motion, certainly it is no marvel though persons in years seem many times more amiable; pulchrorum autumnus pulcher; for no youth can be comely but by pardon, and considering the youth as to make up the comeliness. Beauty is as summer fruits, which are easy to corrupt and cannot last; and, for the most part, it makes a dissolute youth, and an age a little out of countenance; but yet certainly again, if it light well, it maketh virtues shine, and vices blush. Of Deformity. Deformed persons are commonly even with nature; for as nature hath done ill by them, so do they by nature, being for the most part, as the Scripture saith, 'void of natural affection;' and so they have their revenge of nature. Certainly there is a consent between the body and the mind, and where nature erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other: Ubi peccat in uno, periclitatur in altero: but because there is in man an election touching the frame of his mind, and a necessity in the frame of his body, the stars of natural inclination are sometimes obscured by the sun of discipline and virtue; therefore it is good to consider of deformity, not as a sign which is more deceivable, but as a cause which seldom faileth of the effect. Whosoever hath any thing fixed in his person that doth induce contempt, hath also a perpetual spur in himself to rescue and deliver himself from scorn; therefore, all deformed persons are extreme bold; first, as in their own defence, as being exposed to scorn, but in process of time by a general habit. Also it stirreth in them industry, and especially of this kind, to watch and observe the weakness of others, that they may have somewhat to repay. Again, in their superiors, it quencheth jealousy towards them, as persons that they think they may at pleasure despise and it layeth their competitors and emulators asleep, as never believing they should be in possibility of advancement till they see them in possession. So that upon the matter, in a great wit, deformity is an advantage to rising. Kings in ancient times, and at this present in some countries, were wont to put great trust in eunuchs, because they that are envious towards all are more obnoxious and officious towards one; but yet their trust towards them hath rather been as to good spials and good whisperers, than good magistrates and officers: and much like is the reason of deformed persons. Still the ground is, they will, if they be of spirit, seek to free themselves from scorn; which must be either by virtue or malice; and therefore let it not be marvelled if sometimes they prove excellent persons; as was Agesilaus, Zanger the son of Solyman, Æsop, Gasca, president of Peru; and Socrates may go likewise amongst them, with others. Of Adversity. The virtue of prosperity is temperance; the virtue of adversity is fortitude. Prosperity is the blessing of the Old Testament; adversity is the blessing of the New, which carrieth the greater benediction, and the clearer revelation of God's favour. Yet even in the Old Testament, if you listen to David's harp, you shall hear as many hearse-like airs as carols; and the pencil of the Holy Ghost hath laboured more in describing the afflic tions of Job than the felicities of Solomon. Prosperity is not without many fears and distastes; and adversity is not without comforts and hopes. We see in needleworks and embroideries, it is more pleasing to have a lively work upon a sad and solemn ground, than to have a dark and melancholy work upon a lightsome ground: judge therefore of the pleasure of the heart by the pleasure of the eye. Certainly virtue is like precious odours, most fragrant where they are incensed or crushed; for prosperity doth best discover vice, but adversity doth best discover virtue. Weighty words are scattered through all the essays, and many phrases or sentences have become proverbial. It is the essay 'Of Marriage and Single Life' that begins, 'He that hath wife and children hath given hostages to fortune; for they are impediments to great enterprises, either of virtue or mischief.' That 'Of Parents and Children' has: 'Children sweeten labours, but they make misfortunes more bitter; they increase the cares of life, but they mitigate the remembrance of death.' That 'Of Revenge' gives a famous definition Revenge is a wild kind of justice, which the more man's nature runs to, the more ought law to weed it out. For as for the first wrong, it doth but offend the law; but the revenge of that wrong putteth the law out of office.' 'Of Gardens' he says: 'God Almighty first planted a garden; and indeed it is the purest of human pleasures. It is the greatest refreshment to the spirit of man; without which buildings and palaces are but gross handy-works: and a man shall ever see that when ages grow to civility and elegancy, men come to build stately sooner than to garden finely; as if gardening were the greater perfection.' 'Of Building' we have the pregnant remark: Houses are built to live in, and not to look on: therefore let use be preferred before uniformity except where both may be had. Leave the goodly fabrics of houses for beauty only to the enchanted palaces of the poets; who build them with small cost.' And another essay commences: 'Dissimulation is but a faint kind of policy or wisdom; for it asketh a strong wit and a strong heart to know when to tell truth and to do it. Therefore it is the weaker sort of politicians who are the greatest dissemblers.' From the same rich source are: 'A crowd is not company; and faces are but a gallery of pictures; and talk but a tinkling cymbal, where there is no love ;' 'Lookers on many times see more than the gamesters.' He seems to have coined new proverbs as easily as he quoted old ones-The remedy worse than the disease,' &c. --and wittily moulded anew the wisdom of the ancients. Thus he takes the Scriptural proverb about riches making themselves wings, and adds a new thought: Riches have wings, and sometimes they fly away of themselves, sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more.' The idea 'Knowledge is power,' which Bacon repeatedly expresses, is to be found, it should be noted, in the Meditationes Sacræ of his mediæval namesake, Roger Bacon. Bacon left the following fragment for the beginning of a History of Henry VIII., in continuation of his Henry VII.—all that was ever written of it: After the decease of that wise and fortunate king, Henry the seventh, who died in the height of his prosperity, there followed, as useth to do, when the sun setteth so exceeding clear, one of the fairest mornings of a kingdom that hath been known in this land, or any where else. A young king about eighteen years of age, for stature, strength, making, and beauty, one of the goodliest persons of his time. And though he were given to pleasure, yet he was likewise desirous of glory; so that there was a passage open in his mind by glory, for virtue. Neither was he unadorned with learning, though therein he came short of his brother Arthur. He had never any the least pique, difference, or jealousy with the king his father, which might give any occasion of altering court or council upon the change; but all things passed in a still. He was the first heir of the white and red rose; so that there was no discontented party now left in the kingdom, but all men's hearts turned towards him: and not only their hearts, but their eyes also; for he was the only son of the kingdom. He had no brother; which though it be a comfortable thing for kings to have, yet it draweth the subjects' eyes a little aside. And yet being a married man in those young years, it promised hope of speedy issue to succeed in the crown. Neither was there any queen mother, who might share any way in the government, or class with his counsellors for authority, while the king intended his pleasure. No such thing as any great and mighty subject, who might any way eclipse or overshade the imperial power. And for the people and state in general, they were in such lowness of obedience, as subjects were like to yield, who had lived almost four and twenty years under so politic a king as his father; being also one who came partly in by the sword; and had so high a courage in all points of regality; and was ever victorious in rebellions and seditions of the people. The crown extremely rich, and full of treasure, and the kingdom like to be so in a short time. For there was no war, no dearth, no stop of trade or commerce; it was only the crown which had sucked too hard, and now being full, and upon the head of a young king, was like to draw less. Lastly, he was inheritor of his father's reputation, which was great throughout the world. He had strait alliance with the two neighbour states, an ancient enemy in former times, and an ancient friend, Scotland and Burgundy. He had peace and amity with France, under the assurance, not only of treaty and league, but of necessity and inability in the French to do him hurt, in respect that the French king's designs were wholly bent upon Italy so that it may be truly said, there had scarcely been seen or known in many ages such a rare concurrence of signs and promises of a happy and flourishing reign to ensue, as were now met in this young king, called after his father's name, Henry the eighth. The New Atlantis records the discovery of a magnificent island in the northern Pacific, whose eminently Christian, courteous, chaste, and cultured inhabitants protect themselves against the evil communications of a corrupt world by deliberately isolating themselves in their self-sufficing fatherland. Strangers are discouraged from landing save under special circumstances; and, needing nothing from abroad, the islanders carry on no traffic with foreign parts, though they send out carefully disguised, specially selected commissioners to report on all that is noteworthy in the way of science or learning, invention or discovery, amongst the outsiders. The 'New Atlantis' is so called in contrast with the other or great Atlantis, which is identified with the American continent; and the romance has points in common with More's Utopia (referred to by an islander, not altogether approvingly, as 'a book of one of your men, of a feigned commonwealth'), Voltaire's Candide, Johnson's Rasselas, and still more oddly with The Book of Mormon, for there is word of the prehistoric civilised races who preceded the North American Indians, and the favoured islanders-possibly descended from Nachoran, ' another son' of Abraham-receive a direct and immediate gift of the sacred Scriptures in book form, as also of the miraculous power to read them without difficulty. The New Atlantis is, as a romance, painfully didactic, but is in other respects curiously interesting, though it has only here and there the charm of Bacon's best style, and is obviously but a fragment of an undeveloped scheme. The voyage is thus described: We sailed from Peru, where we had continued by the space of one whole year, for China and Japan, by the South Sea, taking with us victuals for twelve months; and had good winds from the east, though soft and weak, for five months' space and more. But then the wind came about, and settled in the west for many days, so as we could make little or no way, and were sometimes in purpose to turn back. But then, again, there arose strong and great winds from the south, with a point east, which carried us up, for all that we could do, towards the north by which time our victuals failed us, though we had made good spare of them. So that, finding ourselves in the midst of the greatest wilderness of waters in the world, without victual, we gave ourselves for lost men, and prepared for death. Yet we did lift up our hearts and voices to God above, who sheweth his wonders in the deep; beseeching him of his mercy, that as in the beginning he discovered the face of the deep, and brought forth dry land; so he would now discover land to us, that we might not perish. And it came to pass, that the next day, about evening, we saw within a kenning before us, towards the north, as it were thick clouds, which did put us in some hope of land; knowing how that part of the South Sea was utterly unknown, and might have islands or continents, that hitherto were not come to light. Wherefore we bent our course thither, where we saw the appearance of land all that night; and in the dawning of the next day, we might plainly discern that it was a land, flat to our sight, and full of boscage, which made it shew the more dark. And after an hour and a half's sailing, we entered into a good haven, being the port of a fair city; not great indeed, but well built, and that gave a pleasant view from the sea: and we thinking every minute long till we were on land, came close to the shore, and offered to land. But straightways we saw divers of the people with bastons in their hands, as it were, forbidding us to land; yet without any cries or fierceness, but only as warning us off by signs that they made. Whereupon, being not a little discomforted, we were advising with ourselves what we should do. During which time there made forth to us a small boat, with about eight persons in it; whereof one of them had in his hand a tipstaff of a yellow cane, tipped at both ends with blue, who came aboard our ship, without any shew of distrust at all. And when he saw one of our number present himself somewhat afore the rest, he drew forth a little scroll of parchment, somewhat yellower than our parchment, and shining like the leaves of writing-tables, but otherwise soft and flexible, and delivered it to our foremost man. In which scroll were written in ancient Hebrew, and in ancient Greek, and in good Latin of the school, and in Spanish, these words: Land ye not, none of you, and provide to be gone from this coast within sixteen days, except you have farther time given you: meanwhile if you want fresh water, or victual, or help for your sick, or that your ship needeth repair, write down your wants, and you shall have that which belongeth to mercy.' Ultimately the voyagers were most kindly received in the Strangers' House,' hospitably entertained at the public expense, and their sick doctored, on condition only of their keeping within the bounds prescribed to them. When they naturally wished to know how their hosts had received Christianity, they were told a marvellous tale how about twenty years after the ascension of our Saviour,' out of a pillar of fire a cedar-wood ark came sailing shorewards in presence of all the inhabitants of the city of Renfusa, containing a letter from the apostle Bartholomew and a complete copy on parchment of the Old and New Testaments including, Bacon notes, those books of the New Testament which were not at that time written;' though he evidently thought most of the books were extant in A.D. 53 or thereabouts. Then or later they also became possessed of the otherwise wholly lost encyclopædic work which Solomon ‘wrote of all plants from the cedar of Libanus to the moss that groweth out of the wall.' And they were miraculously empowered to read these sacred books as if they had been written in their own language. The following remarkable communication by the governor of the Strangers' House distinctly trenches on the province of The Book of Mormon and of Solomon Spaulding's romance : 'You shall understand, that which perhaps you will scarce think credible, that about three thousand years ago, or somewhat more, the navigation of the world, especially for remote voyages, was greater than at this day. Do not think with yourselves, that I know not how much it is increased with you within these six-score years: I know it well; and yet I say greater then than now whether it was, that the example of the ark, that saved the remnant of men from the universal deluge, gave men confidence to adventure upon the waters, or what it was, but such is the truth. The Phoenicians, and especially the Tyrians, had great fleets. So had the Carthaginians their colony, which is yet farther west. Toward the east, the shipping of Egypt, and of Palestine, was likewise great. China also, and the great Atlantis, that you call America, which have now but junks and canoes, abounded then in tall ships. This island, as appeareth by faithful registers of those times, had then fifteen hundred strong ships, of great content. Of all this there is with you sparing memory, or none; but we have large knowledge thereof. 'At that time this land was known and frequented by the ships and vessels of all the nations before named. And, as it cometh to pass, they had many times men of other countries, that were no sailors, that came with them; as Persians, Chaldeans, Arabians, so as almost all nations of might and fame resorted hither; of whom we have some stirps and little tribes with us at this day. And for our own ships, they went sundry voyages, as well to your Straits, which you call the pillars of Hercules, as to other parts in the Atlantic and Mediterranean Seas; as to Peguin, which is the same with Cambaline, and Quinzy upon the Oriental Seas, as far as to the borders of the East Tartary. [There is some confusion here for which neither Marco Polo nor Sebastian Münster is responsible. Pegu has no connection with Cambaluc or Cambalu, i.e. Peking; nor that with Quinzy, Quinsay, Kinsai, or Khing-sai, i.e. Hang-chow-foo. And neither Peking nor Hang-chow is on the oriental sea.] At the same time, and an age after, or more, the inhabitants of the great Atlantis did flourish. For though the narration and description which is made by a great man with you, that the descendants of Neptune planted there; and of the magnificent temple, palace, city and hill; and the manifold streams of goodly navigable rivers, which, as so many chains, environed the same site and temple; and the several degrees of ascent, whereby men did climb up to the same, as if it had been a scala cæli, be all poetical and fabulous: yet so much is true, that the said country of Atlantis, as well that of Peru, then called Coya, as that of Mexico, then named Tyrambel, were mighty and proud kingdoms in arms, shipping, and riches: so mighty, as at one time, or at least within the space of ten years, they both made two great expeditions, they of Tyrambel, through the Atlantic to the Mediterranean Sea; and they of Coya, through the South Sea upon this our island and for the former of these, which was into Europe, the same author amongst you, as it seemeth, had some relation from the Egyptian priest whom he citeth. For assuredly, such a thing there was, but whether it were the ancient Athenians that had the glory of the repulse and resistance of those : : forces, I can say nothing; but certain it is, there never came back either ship, or man, from that voyage. Neither had the other voyage of those of Coya upon us had better fortune, if they had not met with enemies of greater clemency. For the king of this island, by name Altabin, a wise man, and a great warrior, knowing well both his own strength, and that of his enemies, handled the matter so, as he cut off their land-forces from their ships, and entoiled both their navy and their camp with a greater power than theirs, both by sea and land; and compelled them to render themselves without striking stroke and after they were at his mercy, contenting himself only with their oath, that they should no more bear arms against him, dismissed them all in safety. But the divine revenge overtook not long after those proud enterprises. For within less than the space of one hundred years, the great Atlantis was utterly lost and destroyed; not by a great earthquake, as your man saith, for that whole tract is little subject to earthquakes, but by a particular deluge or inundation: those countries having, at this day, far greater rivers and far higher mountains, to pour down waters, than any part of the old world. But it is true that the same inundation was not deep; not past forty foot, in most places, from the ground so that although it destroyed man and beast generally, yet some few wild inhabitants of the wood escaped. Birds also were saved, by flying to the high trees and woods. For as for men, although they had buildings in many places higher than the depth of the water; yet that inundation, though it were shallow, had a long continuance; whereby they of the vale, that were not drowned, perished for want of food, and other things necessary. So as marvel you not at the thin population of America, nor at the rudeness and ignorance of the people; for you must account your inhabitants of America as a young people; younger a thousand years, at the least, than the rest of the world; for that there was so much time between the universal flood and their particular inundation. For the poor remnant of human seed, which remained in their mountains, peopled the country again slowly, by little and little and being simple and savage people, not like Noah and his sons, which was the chief family of the earth, they were not able to leave letters, arts, and civility to their posterity; and having likewise in their mountainous habitations been used, in respect of the extreme cold of those regions, to clothe themselves with the skins of tigers, bears, and great hairy goats, tha: they have in those parts: when after they came down into the valley, and found the intolerable heats which are there, and knew no means of lighter apparel, they were forced to begin the custom of going naked, which continueth at this day.' The most characteristic institution of the island is Solomon's House, or the College of the Six Days' Works, and Bacon's chief interest in the whole affair was in the description of this 'model of a college for the interpreting of nature and the producing of great and marvellous works for the benefit of men.' Amongst the 'riches of Solomon's House,' the first to be named are low-level and high-level observatories and experimental stations. The 'low region' is in caves or shafts sunk six hundred fathoms, some of them under great hills and mountains. The high-level ones are thus described: 'We have high towers; the highest about half a mile in height; and some of them likewise set upon high mountains; so that the vantage of the hill with the tower, is in the highest of them three miles at least. And these places we call the upper region: accounting the air between the high places and the low, as a middle region. We use these towers, according to their several heights and situations, for insolation, refrigeration, conservation, and for the view of divers meteors; as winds, rain, snow, hail, and some of the fiery meteors also. And upon them, in some places, are dwellings of hermits, whom we visit sometimes, and instruct what to observe.' Solomon's House gave no hesitating approval to systematic vivisection : 'We have also parks and inclosures of all sorts of beasts and birds, which we use not only for view or rareness, but likewise for dissections and trials; that thereby we may take light what may be wrought upon the body of man. Wherein we find many strange effects; as continuing life in them, though divers parts, which you account vital, be perished, and taken forth; resuscitating of some that seem dead in appearance, and the like. We try also all poisons and other medicines upon them, as well of chirurgery as physic. By art likewise, we make them greater or taller than their kind is; and contrariwise dwarf them, and stay their growth: we make them more fruitful and bearing than their kind is; and contrariwise barren, and not generative.' How far Bacon was from the truth as it is in modern science may be seen from other departments of the college, which abet spontaneous generation: 'We have also means to make divers plants rise by mixtures of earths without seeds; and likewise to make divers new plants differing from the vulgar; and to make one tree or plant turn into another. .. We make a number of kinds of serpents, worms, flies, fishes of putrefaction; whereof some are advanced in effect to be perfect creatures like beasts or birds, and have sexes and do propagate.' The New Atlantis ends abruptly, after describing at some length several of the various departments of the college. Bacon's adhesion to various anti-scientific maxims is also conspicuous in his Sylva Sylvarum or Natural History, where there is a chapter Of the insecta bred of putrefaction,' for example. Here too he prescribes experiments for the 'version and transmutation of air into water,' and others for the making of gold from silver or copper (quicksilver is useless for the purpose). 'The world hath been much abused by the opinion of making gold the work itself I judge to be possible; but the means hitherto propounded to effect it are in the practice full of error and imposture, and in the theory full of unsound imagination.' : Confidence in the importance of his work is expressed in the following characteristic sentences (quoted from the translation of the Novum Organum prepared for Stebbing's edition): I have made a beginning of the work-a beginning, as I hope, not unimportant :-the fortune of the human race will give the issue ;--such an issue, it may be, as in the present condition of things and men's minds cannot easily be conceived or imagined. For the matter in hand is no mere felicity of speculation, but the real business and fortunes of the human race, and all power of operation. For man is but the servant and interpreter of nature what he does and what he knows is only what he has observed of nature's order in fact or in thought; beyond this he knows nothing and can do nothing. For the chain of causes cannot by any force be loosed or broken, nor can nature be commanded except by being obeyed. And so those twin objects, human Knowledge and human Power, do really meet in one; and it is from ignorance of causes that operation fails. And all depends on keeping the eye steadily fixed upon the facts of nature and so receiving their images simply as they are. For God forbid that we should give out a dream of our own imagination for a pattern of the world; rather may he graciously grant to us to write an apocalypse or true vision of the footsteps of the Creator imprinted on his creatures. Bacon's verses have a somewhat exceptional interest in view of the Bacon-Shakespeare propaganda. Two poems have often been printed as his on very doubtful authority. That beginning The man of life upright Whose guiltless heart is free From all dishonest deeds, Or thought of vanity, is now known to be Campion's. The other, included by Mr Palgrave in the Golden Treasury, is a translation or paraphrase of a Greek epigram of uncertain authorship. The paraphrase was ascribed to Bacon as early as 1629, three years after his death, and was accepted by Spedding as his. It is suggestive and metrical, and well worthy of a 'metaphysical poet,' but is hardly a triumphant poetical achievement, as may be seen from the first verse: The world's a bubble and the life of man Less than a span ; In his conception wretched, from the womb Curst from the cradle and brought up to years Who then to frail mortality shall trust But limns the water or but writes in dust. But Bacon certainly executed a metrical Translation of Certain Psalms, seven in number; for he published them in his own name (1624), with a grateful dedication to his friend George Herbert. They are the only verses we can confidently say were written by the Lord Chancellor, and they give no very high idea of what he could do when he assumed his singing robes. The First Psalm is versified in this fashion : Who never gave to wicked reed A yielding and attentive ear; Who never sinners' paths did tread, Nor sat him down in scorner's chair, On law of God to meditate; counsel The Hundred and Forty-ninth is even less worthy of the author of such majestic prose, and as poetry is clearly below the ordinary level of Sternhold and Hopkins. The first verse runs : O sing a new song to our God above, Avoid prophane ones, 'tis for holy quire : To him that made them, with their hearts on fire: Carols and anthems to their heav'nly King. Attempts have sometimes been made to extend portentously Bacon's literary bequest to posterity. From Delia Bacon's time (1857) to the present day the voice of the paradoxist has from time to time been heard proclaiming to an incredulous world the faith that Bacon is the author or joint-author of some or most or all of Shakespeare's plays. Because Shakespeare was not a really great actor and was regardless of his fame, because he did not publish his own plays, because the player was illiterate while the plays were learned, because the plays must have been written by the greatest man of that or all time, because Bacon was great enough to have written them, because of coincidences between Bacon's thought and the playwright's, because of cryptograms worked into the texture of the plays (Donnelly), because the more important of the plays fit exactly into gaps left by Bacon in the system of his prose works (Bormann)-for these and other reasons we are asked to believe this eccentric theory. Delia Bacon wrote the Philosophy of the Plays of Shakespeare Unfolded in 1857; Wyman published in 1884 (at Chicago) a Bibliography of the Shakespeare-Bacon Controversy, containing two hundred and fiftyfive entries (seventy-three for the Bacon view); Donnelly's Great Cryptogram (1888) tried to prove that Bacon's cryptogram was found throughout Shakespeare. The same argument may of course be extended-and has been extended-to claim what is best in Marlowe, Burton, and even Montaigne for Bacon! - surely with the effect of a reductio ad absurdum. C. Stopes issued a pamphlet on the Shakespeare-Bacon Question in 1888, and another in 188). Two notable German contributions were J. Schipper, Zur Kritik der Shakespeare-Bacon Frage (against, Vienna, 1889), and Edwin Bormann, Das Shakespeare Geheimniss (1894; trans. The Shakespeare Secret, 1896). The first Life of Bacon was by his 'learned chaplain, William Rawley (c. 1588-1667); it appeared in 1657, ani went into a second edition in 1661. The standard edition of Bacon's works is that of Spedding, Ellis, and Heath (14 vols. 1857-74), seven volumes of which are occupied by the apologetic Life and Letters by Mr Spedding. See also Macaulay's brilliant attack, the article in the Dictionary of National Biography by Dr S. R. Gardiner and Dr Fowler, Dean Church's monograph in the Men of Letters' series (1884), and the short Life by Dr Abbott (1885), with the Life and Philosophy by Professor Nichol (1890); and for the philosophy, Kuno Fischer's monograph (trans. 1857) and Fowler's edition of the Novum Organum (1878). Lancelot Andrewes (1555-1626), successively bishop of Chichester, Ely, and Winchester, and a privy-councillor, had the singular good fortune to enjoy the favour of three sovereigns, and his death was mourned by the youthful muse of Milton. Born at Barking, and bred at Merchant Taylors' and Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, he was at thirty-four Master of the Hall and prebendary of St Paul's, and was reputed next to Ussher the most learned divine of the day. In patristic learning he stood alone. By his defence of James against Bellarmine—James having written an apology for the new oath of allegiance-he secured the special favour of the king. He attended the Hampton Court Conference, and went with the king to Scotland in 1617 to try to persuade the Scots that episcopacy was better than presbytery. Andrewes was a strong High Churchman, and, like his protégé and friend Laud, attached importance a high ritual: the Puritan Prynne describes with to |